iCO

Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2013

http://archive.org/details/documentaryhist01ocal

Vs

7G>

i.

f Li

a

^"\» trmttgwH Con1aB dxSluatfim{ce """ lanmua&QUa: CLc/l'l

™

/

f

\

/

\tf

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE

tate

of

m

<?tt»*

§|f or6

ARRANGED UNDER DIRECTION OF THE

HON. CHRISTOPHER MORGAN, Secretary of State.

BY E. B. O'CALLAGHAN, M. D. VOLUME

I.

ALBANY: WEED, PARSONS & CO., PUBLIC PRINTERS. 1850.

1/

* * # The Map facing the Title page of this

Volume

is

taken from one of North America, engraved by

Lucini, an Italian artist, originally on four sheets, three of which belong to the

Warden Col feet ion of the

State Library. It will

be perceived from its Title that it is a Map of New Belgium (now New-York,) and part of New

England, the former of which Provinces was claimed at the time, to extend from Cape Cod to the Capes of Delaware.

The absence of any date

renders it

difficult,

however, to ascertain precisely the year it was

engraved and this point can be determined only by other evidence. Boston, which was settled in 1630, is found laid down, but there is no mention of Maryland, the Province of Virginia forming the southern Boundary of New Belgium.

As Maryland was first granted in that and the settlement of Boston.

1632, it is evident the date of this Map must be some year between

Most probably, it was engraved in 1631.

In point of time, it may be considered the third oldest Map of the Province extant, having, as far as yet

Boston, which was settled in 1630, is found laid down, but there is no mention of Maryland, the Province of Virginia forming the southern Boundary of New Belgium.

As Maryland was first granted in that and the settlement of Boston.

1632, it is evident the date of this Map must be some year between

Most probably, it was engraved in 1631.

In point of time, it may be considered the third oldest Map of the Province extant, having, as far as yet

known, been preceded by only two Dutch Maps, one of 1616 and one 1618, transcripts of which are in the office of the

Secretary of State, and of one of which this Italian Map is evidently an improved copy.

CONTENTS. PAGE. :

^\ I. Papers relating to the Iroquois and other Indian tribes, II.

Papers relating to the first settlement

at Onondaga, and the discovery of the Salt

Springs

at Salina, III.

Papers relating to De Courcelles' and De Tracy's expeditions against the Mohawk Indians,

... ....

1665-6,

IV. Govs. Nicoll and Andros' reports on the Province of New- York, 1669-1678,

......

V. Papers relating to M. de la Barre's expedition to Hungry Bay, 1684, VI. Governor Dongan's report on the state of the Province, 1687,

VII. Papers relating to Denonville's expedition to the Genesee Country and Niagara, 1687, VIII.

Names of the male inhabitants of Ulster Co., 1689, New- York and

IX. Papers relating to the invasion of

•

list

.-

Schenectady by the

of the Province of New-York,

Nicoll and Andros' reports on the Province of New- York, 1669-1678,

......

V. Papers relating to M. de la Barre's expedition to Hungry Bay, 1684, VI. Governor Dongan's report on the state of the Province, 1687,

VII. Papers relating to Denonville's expedition to the Genesee Country and Niagara, 1687, VIII.

Names of the male inhabitants of Ulster Co., 1689, New- York and

IX. Papers relating to the invasion of

•

list

.-

Schenectady by the

of the Province of New-York,

1693,

XI. Papers relating to Frontenac's expedition against the Onondagas, 1696, XII.

the burning of

French, 1690, X. Civil

....

New- York army list, 1700,

XIII. Census of the counties of Orange, Dutchess and Albany, 1702, 1714, 1720, XIV. Cadwallader Colden on the lands of New- York, 1732, XV. Papers relating to the Susquehannah river, 1683-1757,

-

-

-

XVI. Papers relating to Ogdensburgh, 1749,

-

-

-

-

-

-

XVII. Papers relating to Oswego,

XVIII. Papers relating to the Oneida Country and

Mohawk Valley, 1756, 1757,

...... ---------

XIX. Papers relating to French Seigniories on Lake Champlain, XX. Boundary line between the whites and the Indians, 1765,

»---.-.----

XXI. Papers relating to the city of New-York, XXII. Papers relating to Long Island,

XXIII. Statistics of population, 1647-1774,

XXIV. Statistics of revenue, imports, exports, etc., 1691-1768,

XXV.

Papers relating to trade and manufactures, 1705-1757,

XXVI. Keport of Gov. Tryon on the state of the Province, 1774, Index,

Index to illustrations,

----.-.-..---

INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS.

Map of Nuova Belgia, Indian Totums,

Papers relating to French Seigniories on Lake Champlain, XX. Boundary line between the whites and the Indians, 1765,

»---.-.----

XXI. Papers relating to the city of New-York, XXII. Papers relating to Long Island,

XXIII. Statistics of population, 1647-1774,

XXIV. Statistics of revenue, imports, exports, etc., 1691-1768,

XXV.

Papers relating to trade and manufactures, 1705-1757,

XXVI. Keport of Gov. Tryon on the state of the Province, 1774, Index,

Index to illustrations,

----.-.-..---

INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS.

Map of Nuova Belgia, Indian Totums,

To face Title. To face page 13

That marked Indian Portrait,

do

Map of the head waters of the Susquehanna,

do

Plan of La Presentation, Oswego in 1727, English Plan of Oswego in 1756, French Plan of Oswego in 1756, View of Oswego,

do

do

Outline Map, showing sites of Forts Bull and Williams,

do

French Map of Lake Champlain,

do

English Map of Lake Champlain,

do

Boundary Line between the Whites and Indians, 1768

do

Sauthier's Map of the Province of New York in 1779,

do

do do

do

I.

P AP E E S RELATING TO

®l)e 3roqnat0 antr otljer

1600-- 1075.

[Vol. 1.]

JnMau bribes.

THE NINE IROQUOIS TRIBES.

[

1666.

Paris Doc. 1. ]

The Iroquois Nation consists of nine tribes, which form two divisions; one of four tribes, and the other of five.

They call the first division Guey-niotiteshesgue, which means the four tribes; and the second division they call it Ouiche-niotiteshesgue, which means the five tribes.

The first is that of the Tortoise, which calls itself Atiniathin. It is the first, because they pretend, when the Master of Life made the Earth, that he placed it on a tortoise; and when there are earthquakes, it is the tortoise that stirs.

The Iroquois Nation consists of nine tribes, which form two divisions; one of four tribes, and the other of five.

They call the first division Guey-niotiteshesgue, which means the four tribes; and the second division they call it Ouiche-niotiteshesgue, which means the five tribes.

The first is that of the Tortoise, which calls itself Atiniathin. It is the first, because they pretend, when the Master of Life made the Earth, that he placed it on a tortoise; and when there are earthquakes, it is the tortoise that stirs.

The second tribe is that of the Wolf, and calls itself Enanthayon?ii, or Cahenhisenhonon, and brother When there is question of war they deliberate together; and if the affair is of great moment, they communicate it to the other tribes to deliberate together thereupon; so of all the other tribes. They assemble in the hut of a war-chief when the question is of war, and in the hut of a council-chief when it is for ordinary matters of state. The third tribe is that of the Bear, which they call Atinionguin. The fourth tribe is that of the Beaver, and brother to that of the Bear. These four tribes compose of the Tortoise tribe.

the first division, which they call Guey-niotiteshesgue.

SECOND DIVISION.

The fifth tribe is that of the Deer, which they call Canendeshe. The sixth is that of the Potatoe, which they call Schoneschioronon. The seventh is that of the Great Plover, which they call Otinanchahe. The eighth is that of the Little Plover, which they call Asco, or Nicohes. The ninth is that of the Kiliou [Eagle], which they call Canon-chahonronon.

These four tribes compose of the Tortoise tribe.

the first division, which they call Guey-niotiteshesgue.

SECOND DIVISION.

The fifth tribe is that of the Deer, which they call Canendeshe. The sixth is that of the Potatoe, which they call Schoneschioronon. The seventh is that of the Great Plover, which they call Otinanchahe. The eighth is that of the Little Plover, which they call Asco, or Nicohes. The ninth is that of the Kiliou [Eagle], which they call Canon-chahonronon.

They call these five

tribes Ouiche-niotiteshesgue.

These nine tribes formerly occupied nine villages, which were finally collected together in order to sustain war

more easily. The ninth tribe derives its origin from a cabin that was in the interior (dans les terres), and composed of several fires or establishments.

In the middle of the cabin was a partition which divided

the cabin in two.

Weary of knowing no one, and consequently unable to marry, they all married among themselves; which is the reason that their name signifies two cabins united together. Each tribe has in the gable end of its cabin, the animal of the tribe painted; some in black, others in red.

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

When they assemble together for consultation, the first Division ranges itself on one side of the fire in a cabin;

and the other Division places itself on the other side.

When the matter on which they have met has been discussed on one side and the other, they accompany the decision with much ceremony. The Division which decides the matter gives two opinions, so that the best may be adopted, and offers all possible opposition in proposing its opinions, in order to shew that it has well considered what it says. They adopt, usually, the first opinion, unless there be some strong motive to the contrary.

When the matter on which they have met has been discussed on one side and the other, they accompany the decision with much ceremony. The Division which decides the matter gives two opinions, so that the best may be adopted, and offers all possible opposition in proposing its opinions, in order to shew that it has well considered what it says. They adopt, usually, the first opinion, unless there be some strong motive to the contrary. When they go to war, and wish to inform those of the party who may pass Jheir path, they make a representation of the animal of their tribe, with a hatchet in his dexter paw; sometimes a sabre or a club; and if there be a number of tribes together of the same party, each draws the animal of his The animal of the tribe tribe, and their number, all on a tree from which they remove the bark. which heads the expedition is always the foremost. They generally have a rendezvous when they propose to strike a blow, where in case of pursuit, they leave a part of their clothes and ammunition. When they fight, they are very Molochs, and have merely the waistcloth on, with a pair of mocasins on the feet. When the expedition is numerous they often leave a party a hundred or a hundred and fifty leagues (lieues, qy. paces'?) from the village which they are about to attack. When they have finished, if they

have casse-tetes or clubs, they plant them against the corpse inclining a little

They generally have a rendezvous when they propose to strike a blow, where in case of pursuit, they leave a part of their clothes and ammunition. When they fight, they are very Molochs, and have merely the waistcloth on, with a pair of mocasins on the feet. When the expedition is numerous they often leave a party a hundred or a hundred and fifty leagues (lieues, qy. paces'?) from the village which they are about to attack. When they have finished, if they

have casse-tetes or clubs, they plant them against the corpse inclining a little

towards the village of the slain.

On their return, if they have prisoners or scalps, they paint the animal of the tribe to which they belong, rampant, (debout) with a staff on the shoulder along which are strung the scalps they may

have, and in the same number.

After the animal are the prisoners they have made, with a chichicois,

(or gourd filled with beans which rattle), in the right hand.

If they be women, they represent them

with a Cadenette or queue and a. waistcloth. If there be several tribes in the war party, each paints the animal of his tribe with the scalps and

prisoners it has made, as before, but always after that which is head of the party.

When they have scalps they give them to one or two men who suspend them behind them to their girdle.

These men who carry these scalps follow the others at a distance, that is to say, at a quarter of a league, because they pretend that when they retreat and have scalps, if these precede the others

If there be several tribes in the war party, each paints the animal of his tribe with the scalps and

prisoners it has made, as before, but always after that which is head of the party.

When they have scalps they give them to one or two men who suspend them behind them to their girdle.

These men who carry these scalps follow the others at a distance, that is to say, at a quarter of a league, because they pretend that when they retreat and have scalps, if these precede the others

they cannot march any further because they are seized with terror at the sight of the dripping blood.

But this is only the first day, sometimes the second and third when they are pursued. When they come again together, they proceed to notify the others and then each one takes his station or awaits the

enemy.

When night falls they make a hole in the earth where they kindle a

fire with bark to cook their meat, if they have any, and that during three or four days.

They tie the prisoners to stakes set in the ground, into which they fix their leg or rather foot, and They place a man at each side who stake is closed by another tied together at a man's height. sleeps near them and who is careful to visit the prisoners from time to time during the night. tliis

When they have lost any men on the field of battle they paint the men with the legs in the air, and without heads and in the same number as they have lost; and to denote the tribe to which they belonged, they paint the animal of the tribe of the deceased on its back, the paws in the air, and if it be

They tie the prisoners to stakes set in the ground, into which they fix their leg or rather foot, and They place a man at each side who stake is closed by another tied together at a man's height. sleeps near them and who is careful to visit the prisoners from time to time during the night. tliis

When they have lost any men on the field of battle they paint the men with the legs in the air, and without heads and in the same number as they have lost; and to denote the tribe to which they belonged, they paint the animal of the tribe of the deceased on its back, the paws in the air, and if it be

the chief of the party that is dead, the animal is without the head.

If there be only wounded, they paint a broken gun which however is connected with the stock, or

even an arrow, and to denote where they have been wounded, they paint the animal of the tribe to

which the wounded belong with an arrow piercing the part in which the wound is located; and if it be a gunshot they make the mark of the ball on the body of a different color.

m

--

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

If they have sick, and are obliged to carry them, they paint litters (boyards) of the same

number

as the sick, because they carry only one on each litter.

When they are thirty or forty leagues from their vilage they send notice of their approach, and

which the wounded belong with an arrow piercing the part in which the wound is located; and if it be a gunshot they make the mark of the ball on the body of a different color.

m

--

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

If they have sick, and are obliged to carry them, they paint litters (boyards) of the same

number

as the sick, because they carry only one on each litter.

When they are thirty or forty leagues from their vilage they send notice of their approach, and

of what has happened them.

Then every one prepares to receive the prisoners, when there are any,

and to torment each as they deem proper. Those who are condemned to be burnt are conveyed to the cabin which has been given them. All the warriors assemble in a war cabin and afterwards send for them to make them sing, dance,

and to torment them until they are carried to the stake. During this time two or three young men are preparing the stake, placing the fuel near and keep their guns loaded. When every thing is ready, he is brought and tied to the stake and finally burnt. When he is burnt up to the stomach they detach him, break all his fingers, raise the scalp which was left hanging behind by a small tongue of skin to the head. They put him to death in these agonies, after which each takes his morsel and proceeds to make merry. Explanation of the First Designs. A. This is a person returning from war who has taken a prisoner, killed a man and a woman whose scalps hang from the end of a stick that he carries. B.

When he is burnt up to the stomach they detach him, break all his fingers, raise the scalp which was left hanging behind by a small tongue of skin to the head. They put him to death in these agonies, after which each takes his morsel and proceeds to make merry. Explanation of the First Designs. A. This is a person returning from war who has taken a prisoner, killed a man and a woman whose scalps hang from the end of a stick that he carries. B.

The prisoner.

C Chichicois (or a gourd), which he holds in the hand. D. These are cords attached to his neck, arms and girdle. E. This is the scalp of a man, what is joined on one side is the scalp lock. F. This is the scalp of a women; they paint it with the hair thin.

G. Council of war between the tribe of the Bear and that of the Beaver; they are brothers.

H. A Bear. I.

A Beaver.

L. Is a belt which he holds in his

paws to avenge the death of some one and he is conferring

about it with his brother, the Beaver.

K. Council for affairs of state.

M. The Bear. N. The Council fire. 0. The Tortoise; so of the other tribes, each ranges at its own side. P. Canoe going to war.

Q. Paddles. They know hereby how many men there are in the canoe, because they place as many paddles as there are men. Over these is painted the animal of the tribe to which they belong.

about it with his brother, the Beaver.

K. Council for affairs of state.

M. The Bear. N. The Council fire. 0. The Tortoise; so of the other tribes, each ranges at its own side. P. Canoe going to war.

Q. Paddles. They know hereby how many men there are in the canoe, because they place as many paddles as there are men. Over these is painted the animal of the tribe to which they belong.

R. The Canoe. S.

This is a man returning from hunting who has slept two nights on the hunting ground and

killed three does; for when they are bucks, they add their antlers.

What is on his back, is his bundle. T. Deer's head. This is the way they paint them. V. This is the manner they mark the time they have been hunting.

Each mark or rather each

bar is a day. Y. Fashion of painting the dead; the two first are men and the third is a woman who is distinguished only by the waistcloth that she has.

As regards the dead, they inter them with all they have. When it is a man they paint red calumets, calumets of peace on the tomb; some times they plant a stake on which they paint how often

Three or four miles.

Colden.

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

he has been in battle; how many prisoners he has taken; the post ordinarily is only four or five feet high and much embellished. a.

These are punctures on his body.

As regards the dead, they inter them with all they have. When it is a man they paint red calumets, calumets of peace on the tomb; some times they plant a stake on which they paint how often

Three or four miles.

Colden.

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

he has been in battle; how many prisoners he has taken; the post ordinarily is only four or five feet high and much embellished. a.

These are punctures on his body.

b. This is the way they mark when they have been to war, and when there is a bar extending from one mark to the other, it signifies that after having been in battle, he did not come back to Ms village and that he returned with other parties whom he met or formed. c.

This arrow, which is broken, denotes that they were wounded in this expedition.

Thus they denote that the belts which they gave to raise a war party and to avenge the death of some one, belong to them or to some of the same tribe. d.

e.

He has gone back to fight without having entered his village.

f.

A man whom he killed on the field of battle who had a bow and arrows.

g.

These are two men whom he took prisoners, one of whom had a hatchet, and the other a gun

in his hand. g. g.

h.

This is a woman who is designated only by a species of waistcloth.

This is the way they distinguish her from the men.

He has gone back to fight without having entered his village.

f.

A man whom he killed on the field of battle who had a bow and arrows.

g.

These are two men whom he took prisoners, one of whom had a hatchet, and the other a gun

in his hand. g. g.

h.

This is a woman who is designated only by a species of waistcloth.

This is the way they distinguish her from the men.

Such is the mode in which they draw their portraits.

A. This is the manner they paint the tribe of the Potatoe and not as it is on the other plate. b. Is a stick set in the ground to the extremity of which two or three pieces of wood are attached, to denote the direction in which they

went when they are hunting; and on the nearest tree they

paint the animal of the tribe to which they belong, with the numbers of guns they have; that is to

say if they are three men, they paint three guns, if they are more and there are some who have a

bow and no gun, they put down a bow.

When they return from hunting and are near the village they do the same thing and add the number of beasts they have killed

-- that

is to

say, they paint the Deer,

and the Stag from the head to

the neck; if some are male they add antlers; they paint the other animals entire; if they are some

say if they are three men, they paint three guns, if they are more and there are some who have a

bow and no gun, they put down a bow.

When they return from hunting and are near the village they do the same thing and add the number of beasts they have killed

-- that

is to

say, they paint the Deer,

and the Stag from the head to

the neck; if some are male they add antlers; they paint the other animals entire; if they are some

days at the chase they mark the number as you see on the other plate. c.

Club which they use to break the skull when they are at war.

'J'lic PoT'lrail

ca/iiii

ofa Savage on a 1/oard in l/iriv

on nliir/i l/i.ej/ ordinarily paint, 7> ow often, •

ftehasfteen lowar.how many men hf.7iasla.hen

a in/ /all (7 i'

o

--

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

Stake to tie the prisoners. leg

They place his

between these two posts in the hollow of

--that

the larger

is the

two posts catch the leg

above the ankle, and they afterwards join one to the other and tie them at a man's height

sometimes higher, so that it is impossible to

withdraw the foot without untying the cords.

OBSERVATIONS OF WENTWORTH GREENHALGH,

A JOURNEY FROM ALBANY TO Y e INDIANS, WESTWARD ; BEGUN MAY 20 th 1677, AND ENDED JULY Y e 14, FOLLOWING. Lond. Doc. III. ]

[

The Maquaes have four townes, vict. Cahaniaga, Canagora, Canajorha, Tionondogue, besides one small village about 110 miles from Albany.

above the ankle, and they afterwards join one to the other and tie them at a man's height

sometimes higher, so that it is impossible to

withdraw the foot without untying the cords.

OBSERVATIONS OF WENTWORTH GREENHALGH,

A JOURNEY FROM ALBANY TO Y e INDIANS, WESTWARD ; BEGUN MAY 20 th 1677, AND ENDED JULY Y e 14, FOLLOWING. Lond. Doc. III. ]

[

The Maquaes have four townes, vict. Cahaniaga, Canagora, Canajorha, Tionondogue, besides one small village about 110 miles from Albany.

Cahaniaga is double stockadoed round; has four forts, [ports ?] about four foot wide a piece, conteyns about 24 houses, and is situate upon the edge of an hill, about a bow shott from the river side.

Canagora is only single stockadoed; has four ports like the former, conteyns about 16 houses; itt

upon a fflatt, a stone's throw from y e waters side. Canajorha is also singly stockadoed; and the like man r of ports and quantity of houses as Canagora; the like situacon; only about two miles distant from the water. is situated

Tionondogue is double stockadoed around, has four ports, four foot wide a piece, contains a bt 30 houses; is scituated on a hill a bow shott from y e Eiver.

The small village is without ffence, and conteyns about ten houses; lyes close by the river side, on the north side, as do all the former.

The Maquaes pass in all for about 300 fighting men. Their corn grows close by the River side.

Canajorha is also singly stockadoed; and the like man r of ports and quantity of houses as Canagora; the like situacon; only about two miles distant from the water. is situated

Tionondogue is double stockadoed around, has four ports, four foot wide a piece, contains a bt 30 houses; is scituated on a hill a bow shott from y e Eiver.

The small village is without ffence, and conteyns about ten houses; lyes close by the river side, on the north side, as do all the former.

The Maquaes pass in all for about 300 fighting men. Their corn grows close by the River side.

Of the Situacon of the Oneydas and Onondagoes and their Strength. The Onyades have but one town, which lys about 130 miles westward of the Maques. situate about

Itt is

twenty miles from a small river which comes out of the hills to the southward, and

runs into lake Teshiroque, and about 30 miles distant from the Maquaes river, which lyes to the northward; the town is newly settled, double stockadoed, but little cleared ground, so thatt they are forced to send to the Onondagoes to buy corne;

are said to have about 200 fighting men,

The towne consists of about 100 houses. Their Corne grows round about the towne.

They

The Onondagoes have butt one towne, butt itt is very large; consisting of about 140 houses, nott fenced; is situate upon a hill thatt is very large, the banke on each side extending itself att least two miles, all cleared land, whereon the corne is planted. They have likewise a small village about two miles beyond thatt, consisting of about 24 houses. They ly to the southward of e west, about y

Their Corne grows round about the towne.

They

The Onondagoes have butt one towne, butt itt is very large; consisting of about 140 houses, nott fenced; is situate upon a hill thatt is very large, the banke on each side extending itself att least two miles, all cleared land, whereon the corne is planted. They have likewise a small village about two miles beyond thatt, consisting of about 24 houses. They ly to the southward of e west, about y

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

36 miles from the Onyades. They plant aboundance of Corne, which they sell to the Onyades. Onondagos are said to be about 350 fighting men. They ly about 15 miles from Tshiroqui.

The

Of the Caiougos and Senecques, their Situacbn and Strength, fyc. The Caiougos have three townes about a mile distant from each other; they are not stockadoed. They do in all consist of about 100 houses; they ly about 60 miles to the southward of y e Onondagos; they intend the next spring to build all their houses together and stockade them; they have

abundance of Corne; they ly within two or three miles of the lake Tichero.

They pass for about

300 fighting men.

The Senecques have four townes, vict. Canagora, Tiotohatton, Canoenada and Keint-he. Canagora and Tiotohatton lye within 30 miles of y e Lake ffrontenacque, and y e other two ly about four or five They have abundance of Corne. None of their towns are miles apiece to y e Southward of those. stockadoed.

They do in all consist of about 100 houses; they ly about 60 miles to the southward of y e Onondagos; they intend the next spring to build all their houses together and stockade them; they have

abundance of Corne; they ly within two or three miles of the lake Tichero.

They pass for about

300 fighting men.

The Senecques have four townes, vict. Canagora, Tiotohatton, Canoenada and Keint-he. Canagora and Tiotohatton lye within 30 miles of y e Lake ffrontenacque, and y e other two ly about four or five They have abundance of Corne. None of their towns are miles apiece to y e Southward of those. stockadoed.

Canagorah lyes on the top of a great hill, and in that, as well as in the bignesse, much like Onondago, contayning 150 houses, northwestward of Caiougo, 72 miles. Here y e Indyans were very desirous to see us ride our horses,

y when all y l

e maides

w ch wee did: they made great feasts and dancing, and invited us

were together, both wee and our Indyans might choose such us lyked us to

ly with.

Tiotohattan lyes on the brincke or edge of a hill; has not much cleared ground;

w ch signifies bending.

is near the river

Westward of Canagorah about 30 miles, containing e largest of all the houses wee saw, y e ordinary being 50 @ 60 foot long about 120 houses, being y with 12 @ 13 fires in one house. They have good store of corne, growing about a mile to the NorthTiotehatton,

ly with.

Tiotohattan lyes on the brincke or edge of a hill; has not much cleared ground;

w ch signifies bending.

is near the river

Westward of Canagorah about 30 miles, containing e largest of all the houses wee saw, y e ordinary being 50 @ 60 foot long about 120 houses, being y with 12 @ 13 fires in one house. They have good store of corne, growing about a mile to the NorthTiotehatton,

It lyes to

ward of the towne. Being at this place the 17 of June, there came 50 prisoners from the Southwestward. They were One nation is about 10 days

of two nations, some whereof have few guns; the other none at all.

journey from any Christians and trade only with one greatt house, nott far from the sea, and the other trade only, as they say, with a black people. This day of them was burnt two women, and a

man and a child killed with a stone.

Att night we heard a great noyse as if y e houses had all fallen,

away y e ghosts of y e murthered. The 18 th going to Canagorah, wee overtook y e prisoners; when the soudiers saw us they stopped each his prisoner, and made him sing, and cutt off their fingers, and slasht their bodies w th a knife, and when they had sung each man confessed how many men in his time hee had killed. Thatt day The cruelty att Canagorah, there were most cruelly burnt four men, four women and one boy. When they were almost dead letting them loose to the mercy of y e boyS, lasted aboutt seven hours. and taking the hearts of such as were dead to feast on. butt itt was onely y

The 18 th going to Canagorah, wee overtook y e prisoners; when the soudiers saw us they stopped each his prisoner, and made him sing, and cutt off their fingers, and slasht their bodies w th a knife, and when they had sung each man confessed how many men in his time hee had killed. Thatt day The cruelty att Canagorah, there were most cruelly burnt four men, four women and one boy. When they were almost dead letting them loose to the mercy of y e boyS, lasted aboutt seven hours. and taking the hearts of such as were dead to feast on. butt itt was onely y

e Inhabitants driving

Canoenada lyes about four miles to y e Southward of Canagorah; conteynes about 30 houses, well furnished with Corne. Keint-he lyes aboutt four or five miles to y e Southward of Tietehatton; contayns about 24 houses well furnished with corne.

The Senecques are counted to bee in all about 1000 fighting men.

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

The French call the Maques

Les Anniez

Onyades

Les Onoyauts

Onondagos

Les Montagneurs

& Onondago town

By the name

La Montagne

of

Les Petuneurs

Caiougos

Les Paisans

Senecques

Jaques

Cangaro

St.

Tiotehatton

La Conception

The above paper will be found also in Chalmers' Political Annals, in which, however, GreenThat paper diners likewise in other respects from the MS. now followed. halgh's name is misspelt. Note.

ENUMERATION OF THE INDIAN TRIBES CONNECTED WITH THE GOVERNMENT OF CANADA ; THE WARRIORS AND ARMORIAL BEARINGS OF EACH NATION. [

Les Montagneurs

& Onondago town

By the name

La Montagne

of

Les Petuneurs

Caiougos

Les Paisans

Senecques

Jaques

Cangaro

St.

Tiotehatton

La Conception

The above paper will be found also in Chalmers' Political Annals, in which, however, GreenThat paper diners likewise in other respects from the MS. now followed. halgh's name is misspelt. Note.

ENUMERATION OF THE INDIAN TRIBES CONNECTED WITH THE GOVERNMENT OF CANADA ; THE WARRIORS AND ARMORIAL BEARINGS OF EACH NATION. [

The Eskimaux, The Micmacs, The Amaleates or rather the Maneus.

Paris,

1736.

Doc. VIII. ]

These Nations are below Quebec, and beyond my knowledge.

At Quebec. The Hurons.

The Abenakis.

-

-

Village 60 a 70 men bearing arms,

At the River St. John, near the English. Village called PanaBamsket towards the mouth of said river. Warriors.

The Sbenakis at the head of said River.

Vilage called NarentchBan.

Warriors.

-

-

The Abenakis. 1 Village. Warriors. The Bbenakis. At St. Francis. 1 Village. War.

Becancour.

-

including those of Michikoui and those who migrate.

The armorial bearings (Totums) of this Nation, which is divided into two sections, are the Pigeon (tourtre) and the Bear.

There are besides some tribes who carry the Partridge, the Beaver and the Otter. [Vol.

i.]

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

The Algonquins.

fifteen men.

-

-...

At Three Rivers.

See Montreal.

The Tetes de Boule or Tribes of the Interior. These are wandering Savages who have no knowledge either of the order or form of villages, and those who evince the least intellect (esprit);

The armorial bearings (Totums) of this Nation, which is divided into two sections, are the Pigeon (tourtre) and the Bear.

There are besides some tribes who carry the Partridge, the Beaver and the Otter. [Vol.

i.]

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

The Algonquins.

fifteen men.

-

-...

At Three Rivers.

See Montreal.

The Tetes de Boule or Tribes of the Interior. These are wandering Savages who have no knowledge either of the order or form of villages, and those who evince the least intellect (esprit);

lakes from Three Rivers, in the interior, to

they inhabit the mountains and the

Lake Superior.

Their armorial bearings (Totums) are unknown, if they have any. Boston and Orange.

The Loups (Mohegans) who understand the Habenakis and whom the 8benakis understand are dispersed from Boston to Virginia, which is equal to from Lake Champlain to the head of Lake Erie 300 leagues. This nation maybe six hundred men, under British rule. No person could give me any information of their customs. This only by way of remark.

--

Montreal.

Algonquins.

They are twenty men settled with the Iroquois of the Two Mountains

;

this is

all that remains

of a nation the most warlike, most polished and the most attached

to the French.

They haVe for armorial bearings an Evergreen Oak (chine vert.)

-

At the Lake of the Two Mountains. The Nepissingues.

A part of this Tribe is incorporated with the Iroquois.

has its village at the lake of the same name.

The remainder

They are twenty men settled with the Iroquois of the Two Mountains

;

this is

all that remains

of a nation the most warlike, most polished and the most attached

to the French.

They haVe for armorial bearings an Evergreen Oak (chine vert.)

-

At the Lake of the Two Mountains. The Nepissingues.

A part of this Tribe is incorporated with the Iroquois.

has its village at the lake of the same name.

The remainder

There are here fifty men bearing arms.

The armorial bearings of this Nation are the Heron for the Achague, or Heron tribe the Beaver for the Amekoves the Birch for the Bark tribe (lafamille de PEcorce) ; Blood for the ;

;

Miskouaha or the Bloody people. Remark, Sir, if you please, that besides the bearings of the principal stocks to which I exme to obtain thorough details, each tribe The Iroquois who are masters of this village, amount

clusively confine myself, leisure not permitting

distinguishes itself by peculiar devices. to no more than sixty-three

-- mean warriors.

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

At Sault St. Louis. The

Iroquois,

who compose

exclusively the village are nearly three hundred and three -

bearing arms.

These two villages proceeding from the Iroquois of Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, have the same armorial devices. Three principal tribes carry the Wolf, the Bear and the Tortoise.

--Argent,

to the Wolf gules, &c. They usually ornament them merely with charcoal.

Note.

The Ch-eat River of the Outawas. At Lake Nepissingue there is one small village of thirty men, who bear a Squirrel, AtchitamH.

exclusively the village are nearly three hundred and three -

bearing arms.

These two villages proceeding from the Iroquois of Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, have the same armorial devices. Three principal tribes carry the Wolf, the Bear and the Tortoise.

--Argent,

to the Wolf gules, &c. They usually ornament them merely with charcoal.

Note.

The Ch-eat River of the Outawas. At Lake Nepissingue there is one small village of thirty men, who bear a Squirrel, AtchitamH.

River and Lake Themiscaming.

The Tabittibis are one hundred warriors.

They have for device an Eagle.

At the mouth of the Themiscaming there are twenty warriors. At the head of the Lake twenty domiciled.

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

These savages are what are called Tetes de Boule, who amount to over six hundred in the Northern country.

-

I shall speak of them hereafter without reference to their numbers.

At Missilimakinak. The Outawas of this village amount to one hundred and eighty warriors

;

the two principal

branches are Kiskakous (1) and Sinago (2); the Bear (1) and Black Squirrel

(2).

River Missisague.

The Missisagu<§s on the river number thirty men, and twenty men on the Island called Manitouatim of Lake Huron.

And have for device, a Crane. Lake Superior

At

--At

the Mouth.

Sault St. Mary are the Sauteurs, to the number of thirty ; they are in two divisions, and

have for devices, the Crane and the Vine, (la Barbue.)

-

North of this Lake is Michipicoton.

The Papinakois and those of the interior

River Missisague.

The Missisagu<§s on the river number thirty men, and twenty men on the Island called Manitouatim of Lake Huron.

And have for device, a Crane. Lake Superior

At

--At

the Mouth.

Sault St. Mary are the Sauteurs, to the number of thirty ; they are in two divisions, and

have for devices, the Crane and the Vine, (la Barbue.)

-

North of this Lake is Michipicoton.

The Papinakois and those of the interior

;

the first are twenty warriors, and have for device,

a Hare.

River Ounepigon.

The Oskemanettigons are domiciled there to the number of forty warriors. They have for device, the bird called the Fisher. The Monsonies, who are migratory, estimate themselves two hundred men, and have for device, the Moose.

-------------

The Abettibis and the Tetes de Boule come there also. have for arms the Partridge with the Eagle. all one hundred warriors.

Some have informed me that the first

have already stated that they are in

-----

The Namebilinis have one hundred and fifty fit to bear arms. Sturgeon.

They have for device, a

The tribes of the Savannas, one hundred and forty warriors strong, have for armorial device, a Hare.

,"""

-

Gamanettigoya.

The Ouace" are in number sixty men, and have for device a Vine, (une Barbue.) Tecamamiouen, or Rainy Lake

--(Lac de

la Pluie.)

----------

These savages are the same as those who come to Nepigon.

number of one hundred men.

--(Lac

Lake of the Woods

They are about this lake to the

They have for device, a

The tribes of the Savannas, one hundred and forty warriors strong, have for armorial device, a Hare.

,"""

-

Gamanettigoya.

The Ouace" are in number sixty men, and have for device a Vine, (une Barbue.) Tecamamiouen, or Rainy Lake

--(Lac de

la Pluie.)

----------

These savages are the same as those who come to Nepigon.

number of one hundred men.

--(Lac

Lake of the Woods

They are about this lake to the

des Bois.)

The Cristinaux are scattered hereabout, to the number of two hundred warriors. for device the Bustard, (V Outarde.)

They have -

Lake Ounepigon.

The Cristinaux are around this lake to the number of sixty men. Assenipoels.

See Scioux.

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

South of Lake Superior.

In this quarter there are domiciled forty Sauteurs, who have for device the Crane

Kiouanan.

and the Stag.

-

The Sauteurs of Point Chagouamigon are one hundred and fifty warriors, The Scioux are at the head of this lake in the woods and along the lakes.

-

-

-

-

Though scattered

they are computed at three hundred men, The Scioux of the Prairies are, in the opinion of voyageurs, over two thousand men,

-

-

Their armorial devices are the Buffalo, the Black Dog, and the Otter.

The Assenipoels, or Pouans according to others, can vie with the Scioux, from whom they They number one hundred and fifty to the south of Lake formerly sprung. Ounepigon, and have for device, a Big Stone or a Rock. The Puans have withdrawn, since 1728, to the Scioux, to the number of eighty they have

they are computed at three hundred men, The Scioux of the Prairies are, in the opinion of voyageurs, over two thousand men,

-

-

Their armorial devices are the Buffalo, the Black Dog, and the Otter.

The Assenipoels, or Pouans according to others, can vie with the Scioux, from whom they They number one hundred and fifty to the south of Lake formerly sprung. Ounepigon, and have for device, a Big Stone or a Rock. The Puans have withdrawn, since 1728, to the Scioux, to the number of eighty they have

;

for armorial bearings, the Stag, the Polecat (Pichoux), the Tiger,

-

The Ayobois are settled at the south of the River de Missouris, at the other side of the MissisThey are no more than eighty. They have for device a Fox. sippi.

-

-

-

The head of Lake Superior.

Lake Michigan with its dependancies.

The Folles Avoines, north of this lake, number one hundred and sixty warriors.

The most

considerable tribes have for device, the Large tailed Bear, the Stag, a Kiliou

--that

is

a species of Eagle (the most beautiful bird of this country,) perched on a cross. In explanation of a cross forming the armorial bearings of the savages,

it

is

stated that

formerly a Chief of the Folles Avoines finding himself dangerously sick, consented, after trying the ordinary remedies, to see a Missionary, who, cross in hand, prayed to God for his

recovery, and obtained it from his mercy. to his arms should

In gratitude for this benefit, the Chief desired that

a species of Eagle (the most beautiful bird of this country,) perched on a cross. In explanation of a cross forming the armorial bearings of the savages,

it

is

stated that

formerly a Chief of the Folles Avoines finding himself dangerously sick, consented, after trying the ordinary remedies, to see a Missionary, who, cross in hand, prayed to God for his

recovery, and obtained it from his mercy. to his arms should

In gratitude for this benefit, the Chief desired that

be added a Cross on which the Kiliou has ever since been always perched.

In 1728 there was a village of this name retired on an island to the number of At the head of this Lake is the sojourn, or rather the country of the Sakis. This

Others do not count but one hundred

Poute8atanis.

The Bay.

nation could put under arms one hundred and fifty men.

and twenty.

They have for device, a Crab, a Wolf, and a She-Bear. Fox River.

Fox river discharges into this Lake. This nation now migratory, consists, when not sepa-100 rated, still of one hundred men bearing arms, They have for device, a Fox. The Kickapous, formerly their allies, may be eighty men. They bear for device the Pheasant

-------------

and the Otter, The Maskoutin has for armorial device the Wolf and the Stag. sixty men,

------

This nation is estimated at

River St. Joseph, south of Lake Michigan.

The Potte8atamies, who call themselves the Governor's eldest sons, compose the village of St. Joseph, to the number of one hundred warriors, The principal families have for device the Golden Carp, the Frog, the Crab, the Tortoise.

The Kickapous, formerly their allies, may be eighty men. They bear for device the Pheasant

-------------

and the Otter, The Maskoutin has for armorial device the Wolf and the Stag. sixty men,

------

This nation is estimated at

River St. Joseph, south of Lake Michigan.

The Potte8atamies, who call themselves the Governor's eldest sons, compose the village of St. Joseph, to the number of one hundred warriors, The principal families have for device the Golden Carp, the Frog, the Crab, the Tortoise.

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

There are in the village about ten Miamis who bear in their arms, a Crane, Eight Illinois Kaskakias are also included whose device is a feather of an arrow,

--^^p^-sEs-- notched

;

(

x ) or two arrows supported one against the other in

saltier (like a St. Andrew's cross.

These are the nations best known to us as well along the great river of the Outawas as north and south of Lakes Superior and Michigan. I propose now proceeding again from Montreal by way of the Lakes to Missilimakinak. From Montreal on the Lake route, I spoke of Sault St. Louis, on the first sheet. Toniata.

Some Iroquois, to the number of eight or ten men have retired to tills quarter. Their device is without doubt, like that of the village from which issue the Deer, the Plover, &c, as hereafter,

__-_-

Lake Ontario, or south of Frontenac. There are no more Iroquois settled.

The Mississagues are dispersed along this lake, some at Kente, others at the River Toronto, and finally at the head of the Lake, to the number of one hundred and fifty in all,

Some Iroquois, to the number of eight or ten men have retired to tills quarter. Their device is without doubt, like that of the village from which issue the Deer, the Plover, &c, as hereafter,

__-_-

Lake Ontario, or south of Frontenac. There are no more Iroquois settled.

The Mississagues are dispersed along this lake, some at Kente, others at the River Toronto, and finally at the head of the Lake, to the number of one hundred and fifty in all,

*__-_._

and at Matchedach,

The principal tribe is that of the Crane. North of Lake Ontario.

The Iroquois are in the interior and in five villages, about fifteen leagues from the Lake, on a pretty straight line, altho' one days journey distant from each other.

This nation,

though much diminished, is still powerful. South of Lake Frontenac.

------------

The Onondagoes number two hundred warriors. top of a mountain,

The device of the village is a Cabin on the

The Mohawks, towards New-England, not far from Orange (Albany) are eighty men, and have for device of the village a Battefeu [ a Steel ] and a flint, The Oneidas, their neighbours, number one hundred men or a hundred warriors,

This village has for device a Stone in a fork of a tree, or in a tree notched with

some blows of an axe. The Cayugas form a village of one hundred and twenty warriors. a very large Calumet,

----.-.-

Their device generally is

-------------

The Senecas form two villages in which are three hundred and fifty men. big Mountain,

The Mohawks, towards New-England, not far from Orange (Albany) are eighty men, and have for device of the village a Battefeu [ a Steel ] and a flint, The Oneidas, their neighbours, number one hundred men or a hundred warriors,

This village has for device a Stone in a fork of a tree, or in a tree notched with

some blows of an axe. The Cayugas form a village of one hundred and twenty warriors. a very large Calumet,

----.-.-

Their device generally is

-------------

The Senecas form two villages in which are three hundred and fifty men. big Mountain,

Their device is a

its own, and every man lias Ms Thus the Oneida designates his village by a Stone [ in ] a fork next he designates Ms tribe by the bird or animal, and finally (L.he denotes himself by his punctures. See the designs which I had the honor to send you in 1732 by Father Francois, the Recollet. The five villages wMch belong to the same tribe, have for their arms in common,

Besides the arms of each village, each tribe has

particular

mark to designate him.

--

the Plover, to wMch I belong ; » the Bear, the Tortoise, the Eel, the Deer, the Beaver, the Potatoe, the Falcon, the Lark, and the Partridge.

M. de Joncaire, the supposed author of this Report, is here thought to be alluded to. period by the Senecas, among whom he had much influence.

He was adopted at an early-

The five villages wMch belong to the same tribe, have for their arms in common,

Besides the arms of each village, each tribe has

particular

mark to designate him.

--

the Plover, to wMch I belong ; » the Bear, the Tortoise, the Eel, the Deer, the Beaver, the Potatoe, the Falcon, the Lark, and the Partridge.

M. de Joncaire, the supposed author of this Report, is here thought to be alluded to. period by the Senecas, among whom he had much influence.

He was adopted at an early-

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

I doubt not but

the other nations are as well distinguished, but our voyaguers,

having little curiosity in these matters, have not been able to give me any information.

The Tuscarorens have a village of two hundred and fifty men near the Onondagoes, who brought them along. I know not their hieroglyphics, The Iroquois have some cabins at the Portage, (Niagara, Lake Ontario.)

--..__

Lake Erie and Dependancies, on the South

The Chaouanons towards Carolina, are two hundred men,

Side.

The Flatheads, Cherakis, Chicachas, Totiris, are included under the name of Flatheads by the Iroquois, who estimate them at over six thousand men, in more than thirty villages. They have told me they had for device a Vessel, {un Vaisseau.) The Ontationoue, that is those who speak the language of men so called by the Iroquois

;

because they understand each other

--may be

fifty men.

am ignorant of them.

-

The Miamis have for device the Hind and the Crane. These are the two principal tribes. There is likewise that of the Bear. They are two hundred men, bearing arms. The Ouyattanons, Peanguichias, Petikokias, are the same Nation, though in different villages. They can place under arms three hundred and fifty men. The devices of these savages are the Serpent, the Deer, and the Small Acorn.

--may be

fifty men.

am ignorant of them.

-

The Miamis have for device the Hind and the Crane. These are the two principal tribes. There is likewise that of the Bear. They are two hundred men, bearing arms. The Ouyattanons, Peanguichias, Petikokias, are the same Nation, though in different villages. They can place under arms three hundred and fifty men. The devices of these savages are the Serpent, the Deer, and the Small Acorn. The Illinois, Metchigamias at Fort Chartres, number two hundred and fifty men. The Kaskakias, six leagues below, have a village of one hundred warriors. The Peorias, at the Rock, are fifty men. The Kaokias, or Tamarois, can furnish two hundred men, All those savages comprehended under the name of Illinois have, for device, the Crane,

_________ ______

the Bear, the White Hind, the Fork, the Tortoise.

River of the Missouris.

The Missouris. The Okams or Kamse, the Sotos, and the Panis. This only as a note, not knowing any thing of these Nations except the name.

-- The

Lake Erie

Detroit.

______

The Hurons at present are two hundred men, bearing arms. They mark the Tortoise, the Bear and the Plover. The Pouteouatamis have a village there of one hundred and eighty men.* vice the Golden Carp, the Frog, the Crab, the Tortoise.

River St. Joseph.")

They bear for de-

(See South of Lake Michigan;

-

------

The Outawas there have two villages, composed one of the tribe of Sinagos the other of Kiskakous, and may count two hundred warriors. They have the same devices as those of Missilimakinac that is to say, the Bear ;

The Pouteouatamis have a village there of one hundred and eighty men.* vice the Golden Carp, the Frog, the Crab, the Tortoise.

River St. Joseph.")

They bear for de-

(See South of Lake Michigan;

-

------

The Outawas there have two villages, composed one of the tribe of Sinagos the other of Kiskakous, and may count two hundred warriors. They have the same devices as those of Missilimakinac that is to say, the Bear ;

;

and Black Squirrel. 15815

• Note in Orig.

Instead of 180, only 100 men must be counted.

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

15815

Lake St. Clair, which leads to Lake Huron.

At the end of the Little Lake St. Clair, there is a small village of Mississagues, which numbers sixty men.

They have the same devices as the Mississagues of Manitouatin and of Lake Ontario ; that is to say, a Crane.

Lake Huron. I have spoken before of

the Mississagues who are to the North of this Lake.

I do not know, on the South side, but the Outawas, who have at Saguinan a village of eighty

men, and for device the Bear and Squirrel.

15955

Less,

15875 Remark. All the Northern Nations have this in common that a man who goes to war denotes himself as much by the device of his wife's tribe as by that of his own, and never marries a woman who carries ;

a similar device to his. If time permitted, you would, Sir, have been better satisfied with I would

I do not know, on the South side, but the Outawas, who have at Saguinan a village of eighty

men, and for device the Bear and Squirrel.

15955

Less,

15875 Remark. All the Northern Nations have this in common that a man who goes to war denotes himself as much by the device of his wife's tribe as by that of his own, and never marries a woman who carries ;

a similar device to his. If time permitted, you would, Sir, have been better satisfied with I would

my researches.

•

have written to the Interpreters of the Posts, who would have furnished me with more

certain information than that I could obtain from the Voyageurs whom I questioned. at the history of the Scioux, which you have asked from Monsieur de Linerot.

Missilimakinak.

I am engaged

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

PRESENT STATE OF THE NORTHERN INDIANS

THE DEPART* OF SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON BART., COMPREHENDED UNDER THE SIX NATIONS AND OTTAWA CONFEDERACIES, ETC., CONTAINING THE NAMES, NUMBERS AND SCITUATION OF EACH NATION, AVITH REMARKS. NOV. 18, 1763. [

Lond. Doc. XXXVI. ]

SIX NATION CONFEDERACY COMPREHENDING THAT OF CANADA, OHIO, &c. Number Names.

Mohocks,

of Men.

Scituation.

with a few emigrants at Schohare about 16 miles from Fort Hunter.

Oneidas,

Two villages, one 25 miles from Fort Stanwix, the other twelve miles west of Oneida Lake, with emigrants in several places towards the Susquehanna river.

Tuscaroras,

Remarks.

Two villages on the Mohock river, Of the Six Nations the Mohawks or Mo-

NOV. 18, 1763. [

Lond. Doc. XXXVI. ]

SIX NATION CONFEDERACY COMPREHENDING THAT OF CANADA, OHIO, &c. Number Names.

Mohocks,

of Men.

Scituation.

with a few emigrants at Schohare about 16 miles from Fort Hunter.

Oneidas,

Two villages, one 25 miles from Fort Stanwix, the other twelve miles west of Oneida Lake, with emigrants in several places towards the Susquehanna river.

Tuscaroras,

Remarks.

Two villages on the Mohock river, Of the Six Nations the Mohawks or Mo-

One village 6 miles from the first Oneihocks, Onondages and Senecas are considered as the chief and elder branches. The Oneidas, Cayugas and Tuscaroras are younger; the last mentioned Nation having many years ago retired from the South, and were admitted into the confederacy with the then Five Nations, the Oneidas giving them land and they now enjoy all priviledges with the rest.

das, and several others about the Sus

quehanna.

Onondagas,

One large village 6 miles from the lake of their name (which is the place of Congress for the confederates) with a smaller at some distance.

Cayugas,

One large village near the Lake of their name with several others from thence

Senecas,

Have several villages, beginning about Of the Senecas, two villages are still in

to the Susquehanna.

50 m. from Cayuga, and from thence to Chenussio, the largest about 70 m. from Niagara, with others thence to the Ohio.

Oswegachys,

our interest, vizt. Kanadasero and Kanaderagey, the rest have joined the

Western Nations.

Emigrants from the Six Nations chiefly These are at peace with the English. Onondages settled at La Galette on the river St. Lawrence.

Have several villages, beginning about Of the Senecas, two villages are still in

to the Susquehanna.

50 m. from Cayuga, and from thence to Chenussio, the largest about 70 m. from Niagara, with others thence to the Ohio.

Oswegachys,

our interest, vizt. Kanadasero and Kanaderagey, the rest have joined the

Western Nations.

Emigrants from the Six Nations chiefly These are at peace with the English. Onondages settled at La Galette on the river St. Lawrence.

A people removed from the Southward, These people are immediately under the

Nanticokes,

Conoys, Tutecoes, Saponeys, ettc.

Caghnawagas,

and settled on and about the Susquehanna on lands allotted by the Six

direction of the Six Nations, and at peace with the English.

Nations.

INDIANS OF CANADA IN ALLIANCE WITH THE SIX NATIONS.

Canassadagas,

Arundacks Algonkins:

i

Emigrants from the Mohocks, settled at All these Nations are in alliance with Soult St. Louis near Montreal, with the Six Nations, and warmly attached emigrants at Aghquissasne, below la to the British Interest, as are all the Galette which is the seat of aMission other Indians in Canada. Caghnawaga is the seat of a Mission, as is the These three Nations now reside togeth- village of Lac du deux Montagnes. er, at the Lac du deux Montagnes at the mouth of the Ottawa river near Montreal.

Abenaquis,

Their village having been burned at St. These Indians are originally from NewEngland: if they were all collected Francis below Montreal during the war, they have since lived scattered they would amount to more than is represented. They have likewise a except a few. Missionary who is a Jesuit.

Caghnawaga is the seat of a Mission, as is the These three Nations now reside togeth- village of Lac du deux Montagnes. er, at the Lac du deux Montagnes at the mouth of the Ottawa river near Montreal.

Abenaquis,

Their village having been burned at St. These Indians are originally from NewEngland: if they were all collected Francis below Montreal during the war, they have since lived scattered they would amount to more than is represented. They have likewise a except a few. Missionary who is a Jesuit.

Skaghquanoghronos,

Reside at Trois Rivieres, they are originally Algonkins.

Hurons,

Reside at Loretto near Quebec, a very civilized people.

(There are several other Nations to the Northward, who avoid any connection with the white people; and as they have no fixed residence, their numbers, though considerable, cannot be ascertained.)

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

SIX NATION CONFEDERACY-- continued. Number Names.

of men.

Remarks.

Scituation.

INDIANS OF OHIO.

....

Removed to the River Sciota and other

These people are greatly influenced by the Senecas, and reside on lands allotted them by the permission of the In several villages on and about the Susquehanna, Muskingham, ettc. and Six Nations. They are now at war with the English. thence to Lake Erie.

Wiandots, ettc.

Some

Total,

There are also in the Six Nation Confederacy, many Indians bers cannot be computed as they have no fixed residence.

Shawanese, Delawares,

Branches.

.

villages in the neighborhood of Sandosky Fort near Lake Erie.

whose num-

OTTAWA CONFEDERACY COMPREHENDING THE TWIGHTWEES, ETTC. Number Names.

These people are greatly influenced by the Senecas, and reside on lands allotted them by the permission of the In several villages on and about the Susquehanna, Muskingham, ettc. and Six Nations. They are now at war with the English. thence to Lake Erie.

Wiandots, ettc.

Some

Total,

There are also in the Six Nation Confederacy, many Indians bers cannot be computed as they have no fixed residence.

Shawanese, Delawares,

Branches.

.

villages in the neighborhood of Sandosky Fort near Lake Erie.

whose num-

OTTAWA CONFEDERACY COMPREHENDING THE TWIGHTWEES, ETTC. Number Names.

of men.

Remarks.

Scituation.

Wyandots or Hurons,

Reside opposite Detroit, their village is This Nation has a great influence over the rest, and has been greatly instithe seat of a Jesuit Mission, their language bears affinity with that of the gated by the neighbouring French to Six Nations. commit acts of hostility.

Powlewatamis, in the neighbourhood of Detroit

Resideil about a mile below the Fort, but abandoned their village on the commencement of hostilities.

In the neighbourhood of St Joseph.

A little below the Fort.

Ottawas,

Resided about Detroit, but with

.

residing in the neighbourhood of .

former, form a flying camp.

Detroit.

the With these and the above Indians are joined several others, who form a flying camp under Pondiac, an Ottawa Chief.

In the neighbourhood of Michili

Resided in different villages, but are The Ottawas in the neighbourhood of now probably with the former. Michi- Michilimakinac are well attached to us for the most part. limakinac is the seat of a Mission.

Resided about Detroit, but with

.

residing in the neighbourhood of .

former, form a flying camp.

Detroit.

the With these and the above Indians are joined several others, who form a flying camp under Pondiac, an Ottawa Chief.

In the neighbourhood of Michili

Resided in different villages, but are The Ottawas in the neighbourhood of now probably with the former. Michi- Michilimakinac are well attached to us for the most part. limakinac is the seat of a Mission.

Resided at a small distance after the re duction of the Fort probably joined

makinac. In the neighbourhood of Fort St.

Joseph,

the rest.

Chippeweighs or Mississagais in the neighbourhood of Detroit.

In the neighbourhood of Michili

:

nac

Resided above the Detroit, now proba- These are the most numerous of all the Ottawa Confederacy and have many bly in arms with the rest. villages about Lakes Superior, Huron, Had several different villages in that Erie, ettc. whose numbers cannot at present be ascertained with exactness. country, and the environs of the Lake

Huron.

Meynomenys Folsavoins

Puans

All these nations reside on the west side These nations are at present in alliance

of La Baye at Lake Michigan and in the neighborhood of the Fort there.

Foxes

T wight wees,

Near the Fort on the Miamis river.

Kickapous Mascoutens Piankashaws Wawiaglitonos

These nations reside in the neighbourhood of the Fort at Wawaighta, and about the Walache river.

Sakis

.

with the Ottawa Confederacy, but appear inclined to our interest, nor did they take the Fort at La Baye, the officer abandoning it on the news of the rupture, as he could make no defence

of La Baye at Lake Michigan and in the neighborhood of the Fort there.

Foxes

T wight wees,

Near the Fort on the Miamis river.

Kickapous Mascoutens Piankashaws Wawiaglitonos

These nations reside in the neighbourhood of the Fort at Wawaighta, and about the Walache river.

Sakis

.

with the Ottawa Confederacy, but appear inclined to our interest, nor did they take the Fort at La Baye, the officer abandoning it on the news of the rupture, as he could make no defence

MIAMIS OR TWIGHTWEES.

The Twightwees were originally a very powerful people, who having been subdued by the Six Nations were permitted to enjoy their possessions. There are many tribes and villages of them, but these are all who are perfectly known.

Ottawas,

Chippeweighs, ettc.

[Vol.

I.]

Residing through all the extent of coun- This is the most exact computation that can be made of these numerous peotry from the Lakes to the Great Ottawa river, andabt. Lake Superior, ettc. ple, who are scattered throughout the Northern Parts and who having few places of fixed residence, subsisting entirely by hunting, cannot be ascertained as those ot their confederacy, residing near the outposts.

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

OTTAWA CONFEDERACY-- continued. Number Names.

of men.

Scituation.

Remarks.

Reside about the Illinois River and We have hitherto had nothing to do hence to the Mississippi. with these people, who are numerous and variously computed. The Six Nations claim their country, but their right of conquest thereto does not appear so clear as to the rest, as represented in the letter herewith.

Lake Superior, ettc. ple, who are scattered throughout the Northern Parts and who having few places of fixed residence, subsisting entirely by hunting, cannot be ascertained as those ot their confederacy, residing near the outposts.

THE IROQUOIS AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES.

OTTAWA CONFEDERACY-- continued. Number Names.

of men.

Scituation.

Remarks.

Reside about the Illinois River and We have hitherto had nothing to do hence to the Mississippi. with these people, who are numerous and variously computed. The Six Nations claim their country, but their right of conquest thereto does not appear so clear as to the rest, as represented in the letter herewith.

Illinois

number uncertain.

Reside in the country westward of

Sioux

number uncertain

The Sioux who are the most numerous

of the Northern Indians, are little known to us, they [One line cut off here in binding the original.'] Mississippi, they are much addicted to not appear well affected to the Western Indians, and promise to send wandering and live mostly in camps. Deputies to me in the spring.

November 18 th 1763. ,

William Johnson.

II.

PAPERS RELATING TO

tl)e first Settlement at (Dnontraaa,

THE DISCOVERY OF THE SALT SPRINGS AT SALINA.

2ltmo

1654--8.

VOYAGE OF FATHER SIMON LE MOINE TO THE COUNTRY OF THE IROQUOIS ONONDAGOES, IN JULY, AUGUST AND SEPTEMBER, 1654. [Relation de la N. France es annees, 1653 and 1654.]

On the second day of the month of July, the festival of the Visitation of the Most Holy Virgin always friendly to our undertakings, Father LeMoine departed from Quebec on a voyage to the Iroquois Onondagoes. He passed Three Rivers, and from thence by Montreal, where a young man of good courage, and an old habitant, joined him, with much piety.

VOYAGE OF FATHER SIMON LE MOINE TO THE COUNTRY OF THE IROQUOIS ONONDAGOES, IN JULY, AUGUST AND SEPTEMBER, 1654. [Relation de la N. France es annees, 1653 and 1654.]

On the second day of the month of July, the festival of the Visitation of the Most Holy Virgin always friendly to our undertakings, Father LeMoine departed from Quebec on a voyage to the Iroquois Onondagoes. He passed Three Rivers, and from thence by Montreal, where a young man of good courage, and an old habitant, joined him, with much piety.

I shall follow the Father's

Journal for greater facility.

On the 17th day of July, St. Alexis' day, we left home with this great and holy traveller, and deOn the 18th, following always the course of the River St. Lawrence, impetuous rapids, all strewed with rocks and shoals. and breakers we met nothing but parted for a land unknown to us.

The 19th.

This river grows wider and forms a lake, agreeable to the view, from eight to ten

At night, an army of troublesome musquitoes foreboded the rain which poured down on us the whole of the night. To be in such circumstances without any shelter except the

leagues in length.

trees, which

Nature has produced ever since the creation of the world, is a pastime more innocent

and agreeable than could be anticipated. 20th.

Nothing but islands, in appearance the most beautiful, which intersect here and there this

very quiet river.

The land on the north bank appears to us excellent

At night, an army of troublesome musquitoes foreboded the rain which poured down on us the whole of the night. To be in such circumstances without any shelter except the

leagues in length.

trees, which

Nature has produced ever since the creation of the world, is a pastime more innocent

and agreeable than could be anticipated. 20th.

Nothing but islands, in appearance the most beautiful, which intersect here and there this

very quiet river.

The land on the north bank appears to us excellent

;

there is a range of high

mountains towards the east, which we called St. Margaret's. 21st.

Continuation of the islands.

In the evening we break our bark canoe ; it rains all night.

The naked rocks serve us for bed, mattrass and all.

Whoever hath God with him reposes quietly

every where. 22d.

The precipices of water which for a while are no longer navigable oblige us to carry on our

shoulders both our baggage and the canoe which carried us.

At the other side of the rapid, I perceived a herd of wild cows which were passing at their ease in great state.

Five or six hundred are

seen sometimes in these regions in one drove.

23d and 24th of the month. Our pilot being hurt, we must remain a prey to the musquitoes, and have patience, often more difficult in regard to the inconveniences which have no intermission neither night nor day, than to behold death before one's eyes. 25th. The river is so very rapid that we are obliged to throw ourselves in the stream to drag our canoe after us, amid the rocks, as a cavalier, dismounting, leads his horse by the bridle. At night

Our pilot being hurt, we must remain a prey to the musquitoes, and have patience, often more difficult in regard to the inconveniences which have no intermission neither night nor day, than to behold death before one's eyes. 25th. The river is so very rapid that we are obliged to throw ourselves in the stream to drag our canoe after us, amid the rocks, as a cavalier, dismounting, leads his horse by the bridle. At night

we arrive at the entrance of Lake St. Ignatius, in which eels abound in a prodigious quantity.

A high wind with rain forces us to debark, after having made four leagues. A hut is soon The neighboring trees are stript of their bark this is thrown on poles set in the ground on either side, bringing them together in the form of an arbor and then our house is built. Ambition 26th.

built.

;

;

finds no entrance into this palace.

with gold.

It failed not to be as agreeable to us as if the roof was all covered

FIRST SETTLEMENT AT ONONDAGA,

We coasted along the shores of the lake

27th.

;

they are rocks on one side and the other, of an

immense height, now frightful, now pleasing to the sight. root among so many rocks.

It is

wonderful

how large trees can find

Thunder, lightning and a deluge of rain oblige us to shelter ourselves under our canoe, 28th. which being inverted, serves us for a house. 29th and 30th July. A rain storm continues, which arrests us at the entrance of a great lake

they are rocks on one side and the other, of an

immense height, now frightful, now pleasing to the sight. root among so many rocks.

It is

wonderful

how large trees can find

Thunder, lightning and a deluge of rain oblige us to shelter ourselves under our canoe, 28th. which being inverted, serves us for a house. 29th and 30th July. A rain storm continues, which arrests us at the entrance of a great lake

We call it the Lake of the Iroquois, because they have their villages on the south The Hurons are on the other shore, farther on in the interior. This lake is twenty

called Ontario. side there.

leagues wide ; 31st.

its length about forty.

St. Ignatius' day.

The rain and storm force us to seek for lost roads.

islands, carrying our baggage, provisions and canoe on our shoulders.

We cross long

The road seems long to a

poor weary man.

On the first day of the month of August, some Iroquois fishermen having perceived us from a One of them runs towards us, advancing a half a league to communicate the earliest news and the state of the country. It is a Huron prisoner, and a good distance, get together to receive us.

Christian, whom I formerly instructed during a winter that I passed among the savages.

lad could not believe that it was he whom he never hoped to see again. village of fishermen.

They crowd as to who shall carry our bagage.

This poor

On the first day of the month of August, some Iroquois fishermen having perceived us from a One of them runs towards us, advancing a half a league to communicate the earliest news and the state of the country. It is a Huron prisoner, and a good distance, get together to receive us.

Christian, whom I formerly instructed during a winter that I passed among the savages.

lad could not believe that it was he whom he never hoped to see again. village of fishermen.

They crowd as to who shall carry our bagage.

This poor

We disembarked at a little But alas they are apparently !

only Huron squaws, and for the most part Christian women, formerly rich and at their ease, whom captivity has reduced to servitude.

They requested me to pray to God, and I had the consolation

to confess there at my leisure Hostagehtak, our antient host of the Petun Nation.

His sentiments

and devotion drew tears from my eyes ; he is the fruit of the labors of Father Charles Garnier, that holy missionary whose death has been so precious before God.

The second day of August. We walked about twelve to fifteen leagues in the woods. We camp where the day closes. The 3d. At noon we find ourselves on the bank of a river, one hundred or one hundred and twenty paces wide, beyond which there was a hamlet of fishermen. An Iroquois whom I at one time had treated kindly at Montreal, put me across in his canoe, and through respect carried me on his Every one received me with joy, and these shoulders, being unwilling to suffer me to wet my feet. conducted to another village a league distant, from their poverty. was enriched me people poor feast consideration who made a for me because I bore his father's where there was a young man of name, Ondessonk.

An Iroquois whom I at one time had treated kindly at Montreal, put me across in his canoe, and through respect carried me on his Every one received me with joy, and these shoulders, being unwilling to suffer me to wet my feet. conducted to another village a league distant, from their poverty. was enriched me people poor feast consideration who made a for me because I bore his father's where there was a young man of name, Ondessonk. The Chiefs came to harangue us, the one after the other. I baptized little skeletons who awaited, perhaps, only this drop of the precious blood of Jesus Christ.

They ask me why we are dressed in black 1 and I take occasion to speak to them of our mysteries with great attention They bring me a little moribund w?iom I call Dominick. The time They took me for a great Medicineis passed when they used to hide the little innocents from us. man, having no other remedy for the sick but a pinch of sugar. We pursued our route in the middle of which we found our dinner waiting for us. The nepheAV of the first Chief of the country, who is to lodge me in his cabin, is deputed by his uncle to escort us, bringing us every delicacy that the season could afford, especially new corn bread, and ears (of corn) which we had roasted at the We slept again tbat day by the beautiful fight of the stars. fire. There is 5th. We had to make four leagues before arriving at the principal Onondaga village. nothing but comers and goers on the road who come to salute me. One treats me as brother another A quarter of a league from the village I as uncle never did I have such a number of relations. much credit. named all the Chiefs; the families and persons began a harangue, which gained me of note in a drawling voice and with the tone of a chief.

We had to make four leagues before arriving at the principal Onondaga village. nothing but comers and goers on the road who come to salute me. One treats me as brother another A quarter of a league from the village I as uncle never did I have such a number of relations. much credit. named all the Chiefs; the families and persons began a harangue, which gained me of note in a drawling voice and with the tone of a chief. I told them that Peace walked along with me that I drove War afar off among the distant nations, and that Joy accompanied me. Two Chiefs 4th.

--

;

--

:

AND DISCOVERY OF THE SALT SPRINGS.

made their speech to me on my arrival, but with a gladness and cheerfulness of countenance which Men, women and children, all were respectful and friendly. I never had seen among savages. together to make them two presents. The first to wipe their men principal the called At night I faces, so that they may regard

their foreheads.

me with a kindly eye, and that I may never see a trace of sorrow on

The second to clear out the little gall which they still might have in their hearts.

After several other discourses they retired to consult together, and finally they responded to presents by two other presents richer than mine.

my

my medicine to weakly and hectic little tilings. some of our old Huron Christians, and found God every where, and that He pleased to work himself in hearts where faith reigns. He builds himself a temple there, where he is adored in spirit and truth. Be He blessed for ever. At night our host draws me aside and tells me very affectionately that he always loved us, that that finally his heart was satisfied, seeing all the tribes of his nation demanded nothing but peace the Seneca had recently come to exhort them to manage this matter well for peace, and that with that view he had made splendid presents that the Cayuga had brought three belts for that purpose, and that the Oneida was glad to be rid of such a bad affair through his means, and that he desired no tiling but peace that the Mohawk would, no doubt, follow the others, and thus I might take 6th.

At night our host draws me aside and tells me very affectionately that he always loved us, that that finally his heart was satisfied, seeing all the tribes of his nation demanded nothing but peace the Seneca had recently come to exhort them to manage this matter well for peace, and that with that view he had made splendid presents that the Cayuga had brought three belts for that purpose, and that the Oneida was glad to be rid of such a bad affair through his means, and that he desired no tiling but peace that the Mohawk would, no doubt, follow the others, and thus I might take 6th.

I was called to divers quarters to administer

I baptized some of them.

I confessed

:

:

:

courage, since I bore with me the happiness of the whole land. 7th.

A good Christian named Terese, a Huron captive, wishing to pour out her soul to me away

from noise and in silence, invited me to visit her in a field cabin where she lived. My God What sweet consolation to witness so much faith in savage hearts, in captivity, and without other assistance !

than that of heaven.

God raises up Apostles every where.

This good Christian woman had with

her a young captive of the neutral nation [de la Nation Neutre), whom she loved as her own daughter.

She had so well instructed her in the mysteries of the faith, and in sentiments of piety, in the praywas much surprised. Eh sister, I asked, why did you not baptise her, since she has the faith like you, and she is Christian in her morals, and she wishes Alas, brother, this happy captive replied, I did not think it was allowed me to die a Christian 1 Baptise her now, yourself, since you consider her worthy, and to baptise, except in danger of death. give her my name.

She had so well instructed her in the mysteries of the faith, and in sentiments of piety, in the praywas much surprised. Eh sister, I asked, why did you not baptise her, since she has the faith like you, and she is Christian in her morals, and she wishes Alas, brother, this happy captive replied, I did not think it was allowed me to die a Christian 1 Baptise her now, yourself, since you consider her worthy, and to baptise, except in danger of death. give her my name. This was the first adult baptism at Onondago we are indebted for it to the piety of a Huron. ers they made in this holy solitude, that I

!

;

GENERAL COUNCIL OF PEACE WITH THE FOUR

IROQUOIS NATIONS,

AND THE SUBSEQUENT RETURN OF FATHER SIMON LE MOINE FROM HIS VOYAGE. [

From the Same. ]

On the 10th day of August, the deputies of the three neighbouring Nations having arrived, after the usual summons of the Chiefs that all should assemble in Ondessonk's cabin, I opened the proceedings (says the Father, continuing his Journal) by public prayer, which I said on my knees and in

a loud voice, all in the Huron tongue.

I invoked the Great Master of heaven and of earth to inspire

us with what should be for his glory and our good of division ;

I cursed all the demons of hell who are spirits prayed the tutelar angels of the whole country to touch the hearts of those who

On the 10th day of August, the deputies of the three neighbouring Nations having arrived, after the usual summons of the Chiefs that all should assemble in Ondessonk's cabin, I opened the proceedings (says the Father, continuing his Journal) by public prayer, which I said on my knees and in

a loud voice, all in the Huron tongue.

I invoked the Great Master of heaven and of earth to inspire

us with what should be for his glory and our good of division ;

I cursed all the demons of hell who are spirits prayed the tutelar angels of the whole country to touch the hearts of those who

heard me, when my words should strike their ear.

;

--

me naming all by nations, by tribes, by families and each by aid of my manuscript, which was a matter as wonderful

I greatly astonished them when they heard

particular individual of any note, and all as it was new.

The first

:

I told them I was the bearer of nineteen words to them.

That it was Onnonthio, M. de Lauzon, Governor of New France, who spoke by my

mouth, and then the Hurons and the Algonquins as well as the French, for all these three nations had Onnonthio for their- Great Chief. A large belt of wampum, one hundred little tubes or pipes of red glass, the diamonds of the country, and a caribou's hide being passed

:

these three presents made

but one word.

My second word was, to cut the bonds of the eight Seneca prisoners, taken by our allies and brought to Montreal, as already stated.

mouth, and then the Hurons and the Algonquins as well as the French, for all these three nations had Onnonthio for their- Great Chief. A large belt of wampum, one hundred little tubes or pipes of red glass, the diamonds of the country, and a caribou's hide being passed

:

these three presents made

but one word.

My second word was, to cut the bonds of the eight Seneca prisoners, taken by our allies and brought to Montreal, as already stated.

The third was, to break the bonds of the Mohegans also, captured about the same time. The fourth to thank those of Onontago for having brought our prisoner back. The fifth present was, to thank the Senecas for having saved him from the scaffold. ;

The sixth for the Cayuga Iroquois, for having also contributed. The seventh, for the Oneidas for having broken the bonds which kept him a prisoner. The 8th, 9th, 10th and 11th presents to be given to the four Iroquois Nations a hatchet to each for the new war they were waging against the Cat Nation. The twelfth present was to heal the head of the Seneca who had lost some of his people. The thirteenth, to strengthen his palisades to wit, that he may be in a state of defence against

--

;

the enemy.

The fourteenth, to ornament his face

:

for it is the

custom of warriors here never to go to battle

unless with the face painted, some black, some red, others with various other colors, each having herein as if particular liveries to which they cling even unto death.

The twelfth present was to heal the head of the Seneca who had lost some of his people. The thirteenth, to strengthen his palisades to wit, that he may be in a state of defence against

--

;

the enemy.

The fourteenth, to ornament his face

:

for it is the

custom of warriors here never to go to battle

unless with the face painted, some black, some red, others with various other colors, each having herein as if particular liveries to which they cling even unto death.

The fifteenth to concentrate all their thoughts.

I made three presents for this occasion ;

one

wampum belt, little glass beads and an elk hide.

--

The sixteenth I opened Annonchiasse's door to all the Nations ; that is, they would be welcome among us. The seventeenth. I exhorted them to become acquainted with the truths of our faith, and made three presents for this object.

The eighteenth. I asked them not to prepare henceforward any ambushes for the Algonquin and Huron Nations, who would come to visit us in our French settlement. I made three presents for this purpose.

warriors for the death Finally, by the nineteenth present I wiped away the tears of all the young Nation. Cat the of their great Chief Annencraos, a short time prisoner with

of

At each present they heaved a powerful ejaculation from the bottom of the chest in testimony a Chief, and walking about I was full two hours making my whole speech, talking like their joy. like an actor on a stage, as is their custom.

warriors for the death Finally, by the nineteenth present I wiped away the tears of all the young Nation. Cat the of their great Chief Annencraos, a short time prisoner with

of

At each present they heaved a powerful ejaculation from the bottom of the chest in testimony a Chief, and walking about I was full two hours making my whole speech, talking like their joy. like an actor on a stage, as is their custom.

who by

them a Mohawk After that they grouped together apart in nations and tribes, calling to Finally they longer. hours good luck was there. They consulted together for the space of two called me among them and seated me in an honorable place. substance of all The Chief who is the tongue of the country, repeats faithfully as orator the

words.

Then all set to singing in token of their gratification

;

my

was told to pray God on my side,

Nation. After these songs he spoke to me in the name of his

He

1.

which I did very willingly. forward for this purpose two thanked Onnontio for his good disposition towards them, and brought large belts of wampum.

He thanked us in the name of the Mohawk Iroquois for having given their Two other belts for that. allies of the Mohegan nation. 2.

,

,

fives to five ot tneir

:

AND DISCOVERY OF THE SALT SPRINGS. 3.

He thanked us in the name of the Seneca Iroquois for having drawn five of their tribe out of Two more belts. Ejaculations from the whole assembly follow each present.

which I did very willingly. forward for this purpose two thanked Onnontio for his good disposition towards them, and brought large belts of wampum.

He thanked us in the name of the Mohawk Iroquois for having given their Two other belts for that. allies of the Mohegan nation. 2.

,

,

fives to five ot tneir

:

AND DISCOVERY OF THE SALT SPRINGS. 3.

He thanked us in the name of the Seneca Iroquois for having drawn five of their tribe out of Two more belts. Ejaculations from the whole assembly follow each present.

the fire.

Another Captain of the Oneida Nation rises Governor

--Onnontio thou art the

:

Onnontio, said he

--speaking of M. de Lauzon our

pillar of the Earth ; thy spirit is a spirit of peace

soften the hearts of the most rebellious spirits.

and thy words

After other compliments expressed in a tone animated by love and respect, he produced four large belts to thank Onnontio for having encouraged them to fight bravely against their new enemies of the Cat Nation, and for having exhorted them never again to war against the French. Thy voice, said he, Onnontio is wonderful, to produce in my breast at one time two effects entirely dissimilar thou animatest me to war, and softenest my heart by the thoughts of peace ; thou art great both in peace and war, mild to those whom thou We wish thee to love us, and we will love the French for thy lovest, and terrible to thine enemies. ;

After other compliments expressed in a tone animated by love and respect, he produced four large belts to thank Onnontio for having encouraged them to fight bravely against their new enemies of the Cat Nation, and for having exhorted them never again to war against the French. Thy voice, said he, Onnontio is wonderful, to produce in my breast at one time two effects entirely dissimilar thou animatest me to war, and softenest my heart by the thoughts of peace ; thou art great both in peace and war, mild to those whom thou We wish thee to love us, and we will love the French for thy lovest, and terrible to thine enemies. ;

sake.

In concluding these thanks, the Onontaga Chief took up the word.

Listen Ondessonk, said he to

my mouth. My breast contains the sentiments of the Iroquois Nations, and my tongue responds faithfully to my breast. Thou wilt tell Onnontio four me

;

five entire nations speak to thee through

things, the sum of all our councils. 1.

We are willing to acknowledge Him of whom thou hast spoken, who is the master of our lives,

who is unknown to us. 2.

Our council tree is this day planted at Onnontaga

--meaning that that would

be, henceforth, the

place of their meetings and of their negotiations for peace. 2.

We conjure you to select on the banks of our great lake an advantageous site for a French

settlement.

Fix yourself in the heart of the country, since you ought to possess our hearts.

We are willing to acknowledge Him of whom thou hast spoken, who is the master of our lives,

who is unknown to us. 2.

Our council tree is this day planted at Onnontaga

--meaning that that would

be, henceforth, the

place of their meetings and of their negotiations for peace. 2.

We conjure you to select on the banks of our great lake an advantageous site for a French

settlement.

Fix yourself in the heart of the country, since you ought to possess our hearts.

There

we shall go for instruction, and from that point you will be able to spread yourself abroad in every Be unto us careful as fathers and we shall be unto you submissive as children. direction. Onnontio encourages us. We shall entertain no other thought 4. We are engaged in new wars ;

towards him than those of peace.

They reserved their richest presents for these last four words

;

but I can assure you their counmuch mildness that my What appeared to me most endearing in all this was that all our Huron Christians and the captive women, lighted this fire which melts the hearts of the Iroquois. They told them so much tenances told more than their tongues, and expressed joy mingled with so

heart was full.

good of us, and spoke so often of the great value of the Faith, that they prize it without being acand they love us in the hope that we shall be for them what we have been for the

but I can assure you their counmuch mildness that my What appeared to me most endearing in all this was that all our Huron Christians and the captive women, lighted this fire which melts the hearts of the Iroquois. They told them so much tenances told more than their tongues, and expressed joy mingled with so

heart was full.

good of us, and spoke so often of the great value of the Faith, that they prize it without being acand they love us in the hope that we shall be for them what we have been for the

quainted with it Indians.

;

To return to the Father's Journal

The 11th day of August. occurred, however,

at night.

There is nothing but feasts and rejoicings every where. A misfortune A cabin catching fire, no one knew how, an impetuous wind drove

the flames to the others, and in less than two hours more than twenty were reduced to ashes, and God preserved all hearts however in the remainder of the village was in danger of being burnt. the joy of the preceding day, and their dispositions as calm towards me as if this misfortune had

never happened.

Our Christian captives wishing to confess before my departure gave me employment, I reI baptized a little girl of four years who was dying. or rather repose which I wished for.

The 12th.

covered from the hands of these barbarians, the New Testament of the late Father Jean de Brebouf, whom they put to a cruel death five years ago, and a small book of devotion which was used by the late Father Charles Gamier

Our Christian captives wishing to confess before my departure gave me employment, I reI baptized a little girl of four years who was dying. or rather repose which I wished for.

The 12th.

covered from the hands of these barbarians, the New Testament of the late Father Jean de Brebouf, whom they put to a cruel death five years ago, and a small book of devotion which was used by the late Father Charles Gamier

The 13th.

whom they also killed four years ago.

Came the leave taking. Observing the custom of friends on similar occasions, having And with this view I first I made them two presents to console them.

convoked the Council, [Vol.

I.]

.

FIRST SETTLEMENT AT ONONDAGA,

planted in the name of Achiendasse (which is the appellation of the General Superior of all our Society's Missions in these countries) the first post on which to begin a cabin.

the first stone in France of a house one intends to build. first bark that is to cover the cabin.

This is like laying

My second present was to throw down the

This evidence of affection satisfied them, and three of their

Chiefs thanked me publicly in speeches which one could not be persuaded issued from the lips of

men called savages. Nevertheless they seek me every where to give me my parting feast, consideration being invited in

all the men and women of my name into our cabin, according to the custom of the country, in

order to do honor to my departure.

My second present was to throw down the

This evidence of affection satisfied them, and three of their

Chiefs thanked me publicly in speeches which one could not be persuaded issued from the lips of

men called savages. Nevertheless they seek me every where to give me my parting feast, consideration being invited in

all the men and women of my name into our cabin, according to the custom of the country, in

order to do honor to my departure.

We part in good company.

After the public cry of the Chief,

every one vies to carry our little baggage.

About half a league from there we found a group of old men, all Chiefs of the Council, who waited to bid me Adieu hoping for

16th.

my return for which they ardently testified their wishes.

We arrive at the entrance of a small lake in a large half dried basin we taste the water of ;

a spring that they durst not drink, saying that there is a Demon in it which renders it fetid

;

having

and in fact we made Salt from it as natural as that of which we carried a sample to Quebec. This lake abounds in^fish in salmon trout

tasted it I found it was a fountain of Salt water ;

from the sea

;

--

and other fish. 17th.

We enter their river, and at a quarter of a league meet at the left the Seneca river, which

increases this ;

it leads,

a spring that they durst not drink, saying that there is a Demon in it which renders it fetid

;

having

and in fact we made Salt from it as natural as that of which we carried a sample to Quebec. This lake abounds in^fish in salmon trout

tasted it I found it was a fountain of Salt water ;

from the sea

;

--

and other fish. 17th.

We enter their river, and at a quarter of a league meet at the left the Seneca river, which

increases this ;

it leads,

they say, to Cayuga (Onioen) and to Seneca in two sunsets.

At three leagues

we leave the river Oneida (Oneiout) winch appears to us very deep. Finally a good league lower down we meet a rapid which gives the name to a village of fishermen. I found there some of our Christians and some Huron Christian women whom I had not yet seen. of a fine road from there,

19th.

We proceed on our journey on the same river which is of a fine width and deep throughout, except some shoals where we must get into the water and draw the canoe lest the rocks break it. 20.

We arrive at the Great Lake, Ontario, called the Lake of the Iroquois.

This lake is in a fury in consequence of the violence of the winds after a storm of rain.

22.

Coasting quietly the shores of this Great Lake, my sailors kill with a shot from a gun, a large

We proceed on our journey on the same river which is of a fine width and deep throughout, except some shoals where we must get into the water and draw the canoe lest the rocks break it. 20.

We arrive at the Great Lake, Ontario, called the Lake of the Iroquois.

This lake is in a fury in consequence of the violence of the winds after a storm of rain.

22.

Coasting quietly the shores of this Great Lake, my sailors kill with a shot from a gun, a large

stag

:

my companion and I content ourselves looking at them broiling their stakes, it being Saturday,

a day of abstinence for us. 23.

We arrive at the place which is fixed on for our house and a French settlement.

prairies, good fishing; a resort of all Nations.

selves and furnished

24 and 25.

There

Beautiful

found new Christians who confessed themme with devotion in their sentiments of piety.

Being windbound, one of our canoes foundered on the 26, our

barked before the tempest had abated, and we thought we should have perished

sailors

--

having emfinally we cast ourselves on an island where we dried ourselves at our leisure.

27.

In the evening a little lull afforded us time to regain the main land.

28 and 29.

The chase stops our sailors who are in the best possible humor

;

for flesh is the paradise of the man of flesh.

30 and last of August.

The rain and wind seriously inconvenience poor travellers, who having

barked before the tempest had abated, and we thought we should have perished

sailors

--

having emfinally we cast ourselves on an island where we dried ourselves at our leisure.

27.

In the evening a little lull afforded us time to regain the main land.

28 and 29.

The chase stops our sailors who are in the best possible humor

;

for flesh is the paradise of the man of flesh.

30 and last of August.

The rain and wind seriously inconvenience poor travellers, who having

worked all day are badly provided for at night. I never saw so many deer, but we had no inclination to hunt. 1 st day of Sept. killed three as if against his will.

What a pity

!

My companion

for we left all the venison there, reserving the hides

and some of the most delicate morsels. 2 d of the month.

Travelling through vast prairies, we saw in divers quarters immense herds of

wild bulls and cows ; their horns resemble in some respect the antlers of the stag.

AND DISCOVERY OF THE SALT SPRINGS. 3 d and 4 th

.

Our game does not leave us

;

it

seems that venison and game follow us every where.

Droves of twenty cows plunge into the water as if to meet us.

Some are killed, for sake of amusement, by blows of an axe. 5.

In one day we travel over the road which took us two long days ascending the rapids and

breakers. 6.

AND DISCOVERY OF THE SALT SPRINGS. 3 d and 4 th

.

Our game does not leave us

;

it

seems that venison and game follow us every where.

Droves of twenty cows plunge into the water as if to meet us.

Some are killed, for sake of amusement, by blows of an axe. 5.

In one day we travel over the road which took us two long days ascending the rapids and

breakers. 6.

Our Sault St. Louis frightens my folks.

They land me four leagues above the settlement of

Montreal, and God gave me sufficient strength to arrive before noon, and to celebrate mass, of which I was deprived during

my whole voyage.

I proceed and descend to

Three Rivers where nay- sailors desire to go. on the eleventh day of the month of September of this year, 1654. 7.

We arrived at Quebec

JOURNAL OF WHAT OCCURRED BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND SAVAGES. [

Relation, &c.

1657 and 1658.

]

The word Onnota, which signifies, in the Iroquois tongue, a Mountain, has given the name to the village called Onnontae, or as others call it, Onnontague, because it is on a mountain ;

and the people

who inhabit it consequently style themselves Onnontae-ronnons, or Onnontague-ronnons.

These

people have for a long time and earnestly demanded that some priests of our Society be sent 1655.

to their country.

Finally, Father Joseph Chaumont and Father Claude Dablon were granted

to them, in the year 1655. 5 th

They embarked on the 19 th Sept., and arrived at Onnontague the

The word Onnota, which signifies, in the Iroquois tongue, a Mountain, has given the name to the village called Onnontae, or as others call it, Onnontague, because it is on a mountain ;

and the people

who inhabit it consequently style themselves Onnontae-ronnons, or Onnontague-ronnons.

These

people have for a long time and earnestly demanded that some priests of our Society be sent 1655.

to their country.

Finally, Father Joseph Chaumont and Father Claude Dablon were granted

to them, in the year 1655. 5 th

They embarked on the 19 th Sept., and arrived at Onnontague the

November of the same year 1655.

1656.

These two good fathers finding themselves listened to with approval and kindness, Father Dablon left Onnontague" on the second day of March of the following year 1656, to look for help at Quebec, where lie arrived in the beginning of April, and departed thence on the 17th

May, in company with three Fathers and two brothers of the Society, and a good number of Frenchmen, who all proceeded towards this new country, where they arrived on the ID" day of July of the same year, 1656. In the year 1657, the harvest appearing plentiful in all the villages of the upper Iroquois, 1657.

the common people listening to the words of the gospel with simplicity and the Chiefs with a

well disguised dissimulation, Father Paul Ragueneau, Father Francois

Du Peron, some

Frenchmen and several Hurons, departed from Montreal the 26 th July, to aid their brethren and compatriots.

May, in company with three Fathers and two brothers of the Society, and a good number of Frenchmen, who all proceeded towards this new country, where they arrived on the ID" day of July of the same year, 1656. In the year 1657, the harvest appearing plentiful in all the villages of the upper Iroquois, 1657.

the common people listening to the words of the gospel with simplicity and the Chiefs with a

well disguised dissimulation, Father Paul Ragueneau, Father Francois

Du Peron, some

Frenchmen and several Hurons, departed from Montreal the 26 th July, to aid their brethren and compatriots.

On the 3 d day of the month of August of the same year 1657, the perfidy of the Iroquois began to develop itself by the massacre which they made of the poor Hurons

whom they brought into their

country, after thousands of protestations of kindness and thousands of oaths, in their style, that

they should treat them as brothers.

And had not a number of Iroquois remained among the French,

near Quebec, to endeavor to bring with them the rest of the Hurons, who distrusting these traitors,

would not embark with the others, the Fathers and the Frenchmen who ascended with them would have then been destroyed ; and all those who remained on the banks of Lake Ganantaa, near to

But the fear that the French would wreak vengeance on their countrymen, staid their design, of which our fathers had had secret intelligence immediately on their arrival in the country. Even a captain who was acquainted with the Onnontague, would shortly after have shared the same fate.

would not embark with the others, the Fathers and the Frenchmen who ascended with them would have then been destroyed ; and all those who remained on the banks of Lake Ganantaa, near to

But the fear that the French would wreak vengeance on their countrymen, staid their design, of which our fathers had had secret intelligence immediately on their arrival in the country. Even a captain who was acquainted with the Onnontague, would shortly after have shared the same fate.

;

FIRST SETTLEMENT AT ONONDAGA,

secret of the Chiefs, having taken some liking to the preachings of the Gospel, and finding himself

very sick, demanded Baptism

;

having received it with sufficient instruction, he discovered the evil

designs of his countrymen to those who attended him, and went a short time afterwards to Heaven.

Our fathers at Onnontague sent two canoes to Quebec with intelligence of the massacre of the poor Huron Christians, treacherously put to death by these barbarians, as we remarked above, 3 August of the year 1657.

The 9 th of the month of September.

Two Mohawks departed from Quebec, and took a third at

The 7 th of the month of November. Three Rivers

A number of letters from divers quarters were given to them

for Father Le Moine, part of which were to

be sent to our Fathers and our French of Onnontague"

#_#

thro' the medium of the Mohawks, who often go to that country. # # # # #

#

#

It is true that the Mohawks faithfully delivered the letters to Ondessonk, because they feared evil

The 7 th of the month of November. Three Rivers

A number of letters from divers quarters were given to them

for Father Le Moine, part of which were to

be sent to our Fathers and our French of Onnontague"

#_#

thro' the medium of the Mohawks, who often go to that country. # # # # #

#

#

It is true that the Mohawks faithfully delivered the letters to Ondessonk, because they feared evil

But for the letters addressed to our French at Onnontague, the Mohawk who was the bearer thereof, threw them in the river, or gave them, probably, to the chiefs of the country. But these good fellows, who wished to rid themselves of the preachers of the gospel and of those who assisted them, threw them into the fire. The Onnontague sent by Monsieur de Maisonneuve did still worse for he told the chiefs of the nation, that the French were leagued principally with the Algonquins to make war on them, and that they had killed his comrade. It was an Algonquin killed him on his way to war as we have d remarked on the 3 November. Nothing more was necessary to excite these furious men, who had They were desirous, however, already concluded on the death of some and the captivity of others. for their people detained by the French.

:

to act in concert with the Mohawks, Avho could,

no more than the others, reconcile themselves to

the detention of their people, believing it very unjust.

It was an Algonquin killed him on his way to war as we have d remarked on the 3 November. Nothing more was necessary to excite these furious men, who had They were desirous, however, already concluded on the death of some and the captivity of others. for their people detained by the French.

:

to act in concert with the Mohawks, Avho could,

no more than the others, reconcile themselves to

the detention of their people, believing it very unjust.

Our poor French were, meanwhile, much astonished at receiving no certain news either from Quebec, Three Rivers, or Montreal. These barbarians had entirely cut oif all communication, so that Mons r de Dailleboust's orders were not delivered to Mons Du Puis, who commanded the soldiers, nor a letter to any of the French whomsoever. 1'.

.

OF THE RETURN OF OUR FATHERS AND OF OUR FRENCHMEN FROM THE COUNTRY OF THE ONNONTAGUES. [

From the Same. ]

Though it be true that the Iroquois are subtle, adroit and great cheats, I nevertheless cannot persuade myself that they possess so much intelligence, so much tact, and that they are such great politicians as to have had recourse to the ruses

and intrigues imputed to them to destroy the French,

the Hurons, the Algonquins, and their allies.

They urged for many years with incredible persistence ; with evidences of especial affection and even with threats of rupture and war, if their friendship were despised and their demand rejected they insisted, I say, and solicited that a goodly number of French should accompany them into their country, the one to instruct, the others to protect them against their enemies, as a token of peace

and intrigues imputed to them to destroy the French,

the Hurons, the Algonquins, and their allies.

They urged for many years with incredible persistence ; with evidences of especial affection and even with threats of rupture and war, if their friendship were despised and their demand rejected they insisted, I say, and solicited that a goodly number of French should accompany them into their country, the one to instruct, the others to protect them against their enemies, as a token of peace

and alliance with them.

AND DISCOVERY OF THE SALT SPRINGS.

The Mohawks desired to thwart this scheme they fought the one against the other even unto Some believed that all that was mere feint, the better polluting the earth with blood and murder. but it would seem to me not a very pleasant game when the stakes are life and to mask their game ;

;

blood.

I strongly doubt that Iroquoy policy should

extend so far as that, and that Barbarians who

repose but little confidence in each other, should so long conceal their intrigues.

I believe rather

that the Onnontague Iroquois demanded some Frenchmen in sincerity, but with views very different.

The Chiefs finding themselves engaged in heavy wars against a number of nations whom they had provoked, asked for Hurons as reinforcements to their warriors they wished for the French to ob;

tain firearms from them, and to repair those

which might be broken.

Further, as the Mohawks

treated them sometimes very ill when passing through their villages to trade with the Dutch, they

that the Onnontague Iroquois demanded some Frenchmen in sincerity, but with views very different.

The Chiefs finding themselves engaged in heavy wars against a number of nations whom they had provoked, asked for Hurons as reinforcements to their warriors they wished for the French to ob;

tain firearms from them, and to repair those

which might be broken.

Further, as the Mohawks

treated them sometimes very ill when passing through their villages to trade with the Dutch, they

were anxious to rise out of this dependence in opening a trade with the French. This is not all, the fate of arms being fickle, they demanded that our Frenchmen should erect a vast fort in their counand children in case their enemies Here are the views of the Iroquois politicians. The common people did not penetrate so far ahead curiosity to see strangers come from such a distance, the hope of deriving some little profit, created a desire to see them but the Christian Hurons and captives among the people, and those who approved their lives and conversations which they sometimes held regarding our belief, breathed nothing in the world so much as the coming of Preachers of the Gospel who had brought them forth unto Jesus Christ. But so soon as the Captains and Chiefs became masters of their enemies, having crushed all the Nations who had attacked them so soon as they believed that nothing could resist their arms, the recollection of the wrongs they pretended to have formerly experienced from the Hurons the glory of triumphing over Europeans as well as Americans, caused them to take the resolution to revenge themselves on the one and destroy the other so that at the very moment they saw the dreaded Cat Nation subjugated by their arms and by the power of the Senecas, their allies, they would have massacred all the French at Onnontague, were it not that they pretended to make use of them as a decoy to attract some Hurons and to massacre them as they had already done.

But so soon as the Captains and Chiefs became masters of their enemies, having crushed all the Nations who had attacked them so soon as they believed that nothing could resist their arms, the recollection of the wrongs they pretended to have formerly experienced from the Hurons the glory of triumphing over Europeans as well as Americans, caused them to take the resolution to revenge themselves on the one and destroy the other so that at the very moment they saw the dreaded Cat Nation subjugated by their arms and by the power of the Senecas, their allies, they would have massacred all the French at Onnontague, were it not that they pretended to make use of them as a decoy to attract some Hurons and to massacre them as they had already done. And if the influence try to serve as a retreat for them, or at least for their wives

pressed too close on them.

;

;

;

;

;

of some of their tribe, then resident at Quebec, had not staid them, the path to Onnontague had become the tomb to Frenchmen as well as to Hurons, as will be seen hereafter.

From that time forth

our people, having discovered their conspiracy, and perceived that their death was concluded on, bethought them on their retreat, which shall be described in the following letter.

FATHER PAUL RAGUENEAU TO THE REV. FATHER JACQUES RENAULT, PROVINCIAL OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS IN THE PROVINCE OF FRANCE.

Pax Christi.

My R. Father, The present is to inform Y. R. of our return from the Iroquois mission, loaded with some spoils We bear in our hands more than five hundred children and a number of adults,

our people, having discovered their conspiracy, and perceived that their death was concluded on, bethought them on their retreat, which shall be described in the following letter.

FATHER PAUL RAGUENEAU TO THE REV. FATHER JACQUES RENAULT, PROVINCIAL OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS IN THE PROVINCE OF FRANCE.

Pax Christi.

My R. Father, The present is to inform Y. R. of our return from the Iroquois mission, loaded with some spoils We bear in our hands more than five hundred children and a number of adults,

rescued from Hell.

the most part of whom died after Baptism.

We have reestablished Faith and piety in the hearts of We have

a poor captive church, the first foundation of which we had laid in the Huron Country.

proclaimed the gospel unto all the Iroquois Nations so that they are henceforth without excuse, and

God will be fully justified against them at the great day of judgment.

FIRST SETTLEMENT AT ONONDAGA,

The Devil enraged at seeing us reap so fine a harvest and enjoy so amply the fruits of our enterfor prise, made use of the inconstancy of the Iroquois to drive us from the centre of his estates renewed the than follow their volatile humor, war against to these Barbarians, without other motive the French, the first blows of which were discharged on our worthy Christian Hurons, who went up ;

with us to Onnontagu6 at the close of the last summer, and who were cruelly massacred in our arms and in our bosom by the most signal treason imaginable. They then made prisoners of their poor wives and even burned some of them with their children of three and four years, at a slow fire. Tins bloody execution was followed by the murder of three Frenchmen at Montreal by the Oneidas, who scalped them and carried these as if in triumph into their villages in token of declared

with us to Onnontagu6 at the close of the last summer, and who were cruelly massacred in our arms and in our bosom by the most signal treason imaginable. They then made prisoners of their poor wives and even burned some of them with their children of three and four years, at a slow fire. Tins bloody execution was followed by the murder of three Frenchmen at Montreal by the Oneidas, who scalped them and carried these as if in triumph into their villages in token of declared

war.

This act of hostility having obliged

M Dailleboust, then commanding in this country, to .

cause a dozen of Iroquois, in part Onnontagu<§s and mostly Mohawks, to be arrested and put in irons at Montreal, Three Eivers

and Quebec, where they happened to be at the time, both Iroquois Nations became irritated at this detention of their people, pretending that it was unjust ;

and to cruelly

avenge themselves convoked a secret Council where they formed the scheme of an implacable war against the French.

Yet, they judged it fitting to dissimulate for some time until through the return

of Father Simon Le Moine, then with the Mohawks, they should have obtained the delivery of their folks who were in irons.

In that Council they even looked on our persons as precious hostages,

either for the exchange of some of their tribe who were in prison, or obtainment of whatever pleased

them when within view of our French settlements they should make us feel the effects of their cruelty doubting not that these horrible spectacles and the lamentations of forty and fifty innocent French would touch with compassion and distress the Governor and inhabitants of what place so ;

In that Council they even looked on our persons as precious hostages,

either for the exchange of some of their tribe who were in prison, or obtainment of whatever pleased

them when within view of our French settlements they should make us feel the effects of their cruelty doubting not that these horrible spectacles and the lamentations of forty and fifty innocent French would touch with compassion and distress the Governor and inhabitants of what place so ;

ever.

We were only privately acquainted with these disastrous designs of the Iroquois, but we openly saw their spirits prepared for war ; and in the month of February divers bands took the field for that purpose, 200 Mohawks on the one side, 40 Oneidas on the other ; some Onnontague warriors had already gone forward whilst the main body of the army was assembling. We could not expect, speaking humanly, to extricate from these dangers, by which we were surrounded on all sides, some fifty Frenchmen who had entrusted to us their lives and for whom we should feel ourselves responsible before God and men. What distressed us the most was, not so much the flames into which a part of our Frenchmen would be cast, as the unfortunate captivity to

which the most of them were destined by the Iroquois, in which the salvation of their souls was more to be dreaded than the loss of their bodies. This is what the greater number most especially apprehended, who already seeing themselves prisoners, coveted rather the stroke of the hatchet or

What distressed us the most was, not so much the flames into which a part of our Frenchmen would be cast, as the unfortunate captivity to

which the most of them were destined by the Iroquois, in which the salvation of their souls was more to be dreaded than the loss of their bodies. This is what the greater number most especially apprehended, who already seeing themselves prisoners, coveted rather the stroke of the hatchet or

even the flames, than this captivity.

They were determined in order to avoid this last misfortune,

even to risk all and to fly each, his way in the woods, to perish there of hunger and wretchedness or to attempt to reach some of the French settlements.

In these circumstances so precipitous, our Fathers and I and a gentleman named Monsieur du

Puys, who commanded all our Frenchmen and a garrison of soldiers, nine of whom had already of themselves resolved to abandon us, concluded that it would be better to withdraw in a body, either to encourage one another to die or to sell life more dearly.

For that reason it became necessary to

depart without breathing a syllable about it ; for the least suspicion that the Iroquois would have had of

our retreat, would hurry down on us the disaster we would avoid.

But how hope to be able to depart without being discovered, being in the heart of the country, and always beset by a number of these Barbarians who left not our house so as to watch our countenances in this conjuncture

For that reason it became necessary to

depart without breathing a syllable about it ; for the least suspicion that the Iroquois would have had of

our retreat, would hurry down on us the disaster we would avoid.

But how hope to be able to depart without being discovered, being in the heart of the country, and always beset by a number of these Barbarians who left not our house so as to watch our countenances in this conjuncture

It is true they never imagined that we should have had the courage to undertake this exploit, knowing well that we '?

had neither canoes, nor sailors, and that we were unacquainted with the paths topped by precipices where a dozen Iroquois could easily defeat us Besides, the season was insupportable on account of :

AND DISCOVERY OF THE SALT SPRINGS.

the cold of the frozen water through which, under all circumstances, the canoes were to be dragged

throwing ourselves into the river and remaining there entire hours, sometimes up to the neck, and

we never had undertaken such expeditions without having savages for guides. Notwithstanding these obstacles which appeared insurmountable to them as well as to us, God, who holds in His hands all the moments of our lives, so happily inspired us with all that was necessary to

be done, that having departed on the 20 th day of March from our house of Ste. Marie, near Onnontagu6, at eleven o'clock at night, His divine providence guiding us, as if by a continued miracle, in the midst of all imaginable dangers, we arrived at Quebec on the 23 d of the month of April, having

Notwithstanding these obstacles which appeared insurmountable to them as well as to us, God, who holds in His hands all the moments of our lives, so happily inspired us with all that was necessary to

be done, that having departed on the 20 th day of March from our house of Ste. Marie, near Onnontagu6, at eleven o'clock at night, His divine providence guiding us, as if by a continued miracle, in the midst of all imaginable dangers, we arrived at Quebec on the 23 d of the month of April, having

passed Montreal and Three Rivers before any canoe could be launched, the river not having been open for navigation until the very day that we made our appearance.

From the same to the same. Your Rev. will be glad to learn the particulars of our departure from Ste. Marie of the Iroquois. * The resolution being taken to quit that country where God took through us, the small number of Ins disciples, the difficulties appeared insurmountable in their execution for which every thing failed us. To supply the want of canoes, we had built, in

secret,

two Batteaux of a novel and excellent little water and carried considerable

structure to pass the rapids ; these batteaux drew but very

freight, fourteen or fifteen men each, amounting to fifteen to sixteen hundred weight.

We had moreover four Algonquin and four Iroquois canoes, which were to compose our little fleet of fifty-three

Frenchmen. But the difficulty was to embark unperceived by the Iroquois who constantly beset us. The batteaux, canoes and all the equipage could not be conveyed without great noise, and yet without secrecy there was nothing to be expected save a general massacre of all of us the moment it would be discovered that we entertained the least thought of withdrawing.

We had moreover four Algonquin and four Iroquois canoes, which were to compose our little fleet of fifty-three

Frenchmen. But the difficulty was to embark unperceived by the Iroquois who constantly beset us. The batteaux, canoes and all the equipage could not be conveyed without great noise, and yet without secrecy there was nothing to be expected save a general massacre of all of us the moment it would be discovered that we entertained the least thought of withdrawing.

On that account we invited all the savages in our neighborhood to a solemn feast at which we employed all our industry, and spared neither the noise of drums nor instruments of music, to deceive them by harmless device. He who presided at this ceremony played his part with so much address

and success, that all were desirous to contribute to the publick joy Every one vied in uttering the most piercing cries, now of war, anon of rejoicing. The savages, through complaisance, sung and danced after the French fashion and the French in the Indian style. To encourage them the more in :

this fine play, presents were distributed

among

those who acted best their parts and who made the

greatest noise to drown that caused by about forty of our people outside who were engaged in removing

The embarcation being completed, the feast was concluded at a fixed time the and sleep having soon overwhelmed them, we withdrew from our house by a back door and embarked with very little noise, without bidding adieu to the Savages, who were acting cunning parts and were thinking to amuse us to the hour of our massacre with fair appearances and evidences of good will. Our little Lake on which we silently sailed in the darkness of the night, froze according as we all our equipage.

The embarcation being completed, the feast was concluded at a fixed time the and sleep having soon overwhelmed them, we withdrew from our house by a back door and embarked with very little noise, without bidding adieu to the Savages, who were acting cunning parts and were thinking to amuse us to the hour of our massacre with fair appearances and evidences of good will. Our little Lake on which we silently sailed in the darkness of the night, froze according as we all our equipage.

;

guests retired,

advanced and caused us to fear being stopt by the ice after having evaded the fires of the IroquoisGod, however, delivered us, and after having advanced all night and all the following day through frightful precipices and waterfalls, we arrived finally in the evening at the great Lake Ontario, twenty

leagues from the place of our departure.

This first day was the most dangerous, for had the Iroquois

observed our departure they would have intercepted us, and had they been ten or twelve it would

have been easy for them to have thrown us into disorder, the river being very narrow, and terminating after travelling ten leagues in a frightful precipice where we were obliged to land

and carry our

baggage and canoes during four hours, through unknown roads covered with a thick forest which

FIRST SETTLEMENT AT ONONDAGA,

could have served the enemy for a Fort, whence at each step he could have struck and fired on us

without being perceived. God's protection visibly accompanied us during the remainder of the road, in which we walked through perils which made us shudder after we escaped them, having at night

have been easy for them to have thrown us into disorder, the river being very narrow, and terminating after travelling ten leagues in a frightful precipice where we were obliged to land

and carry our

baggage and canoes during four hours, through unknown roads covered with a thick forest which

FIRST SETTLEMENT AT ONONDAGA,

could have served the enemy for a Fort, whence at each step he could have struck and fired on us

without being perceived. God's protection visibly accompanied us during the remainder of the road, in which we walked through perils which made us shudder after we escaped them, having at night

no other bed except the snow after having passed entire days in the water and amid the ice. Ten days after our departure we found Lake Ontario on which we floated, still frozen at its mouth. We were obliged to break the ice, axe in hand, to make an opening, to enter two days afterwards a For having entered a Great Sault without rapid where our little fleet had well nigh foundered.

knowing it, we found ourselves in the midst of breakers which, meeting a quantity of big rocks, threw up mountains of water and cast us on as many precipices as we gave strokes of paddles. Our batteaux which drew scarcely half a foot, were soon filled with water and all our people in such confusion, that their cries mingled with the roar of the torrent presented to us the spectacle of a dreadful It became imperative, however, to extricate ourselves, the violence of the current

knowing it, we found ourselves in the midst of breakers which, meeting a quantity of big rocks, threw up mountains of water and cast us on as many precipices as we gave strokes of paddles. Our batteaux which drew scarcely half a foot, were soon filled with water and all our people in such confusion, that their cries mingled with the roar of the torrent presented to us the spectacle of a dreadful It became imperative, however, to extricate ourselves, the violence of the current

dragging

us despite ourselves into the large rapids and through passes in which we had never been.

Terror

wreck.

redoubled at the sight of one of our canoes being engulfed in a breaker which barred the entire rapid

and which, notwithstanding, was the course that all the others must keep. Three Frenchmen were drowned there, a fourth fortunately escaped, having held on to the canoe and being saved at the foot of the Sault when at the point of letting go his hold, his strength being exhausted. * The 3d of April we landed at Montreal, iu the beginning of the night.

how our Fathers and our Frenchmen withdrew from their habitation built

You noticed above

on the banks of Lake Ganantaa, near Onnontague.

That happened at night, and without noise aDd

with so much address, that the Iroquois, who cabined at the doors of our house, never perceived the removal of the canoes and batteaux and baggage which were launched, nor the embarcation of fifty-three Sleep in which they were deeply enveloped, after considerable singing and dancing, deprived

how our Fathers and our Frenchmen withdrew from their habitation built

You noticed above

on the banks of Lake Ganantaa, near Onnontague.

That happened at night, and without noise aDd

with so much address, that the Iroquois, who cabined at the doors of our house, never perceived the removal of the canoes and batteaux and baggage which were launched, nor the embarcation of fifty-three Sleep in which they were deeply enveloped, after considerable singing and dancing, deprived

persons.

them of all consciousness

;

but at length night having given place to day, darkness to fight, sleep to

awaking, these Barbarians left their cabins, and roving round our well locked house, were astonished

They saw no one going out to work they heard no voiceThey thought at first that they were all at prayer, or in council, but the day advancing and these prayers not getting to an end, they knocked at the door. The dogs, which our Frenchmen designedly left behind, answered by barking. The cock's crow which they heard in the morning and the noise of the dogs, made them think that the masters of these animals were not far off; they recovered the patience which they had lost. But at length the sun began to decline and no person answering

at the profound silence of the Frenchmen.

;

neither to the voice of men nor to the cries of animals, they scaled the house to see the condition of

our people in this terrible silence.

Astonishment now gave place to fright and trouble.

The cock's crow which they heard in the morning and the noise of the dogs, made them think that the masters of these animals were not far off; they recovered the patience which they had lost. But at length the sun began to decline and no person answering

at the profound silence of the Frenchmen.

;

neither to the voice of men nor to the cries of animals, they scaled the house to see the condition of

our people in this terrible silence.

Astonishment now gave place to fright and trouble.

They open

the door ; the chiefs enter every where ; ascend the garret ; descend to the cellar ; not a Frenchman

--

makes his appearance dead or alive. They regard one another terror seizes them they imagine they have to do with Devils. They saw no batteau, and even if they saw it they could not imagine that our Frenchmen would be so rash as to precipitate themselves into rapids and breakers, among rocks and horrible dangers in which themselves though very expert in passing through Saults and Cascades, often lose their lives. They persuade themselves either that they walked on the waves, or fled through the air or as seemed most probable, that they concealed themselves in the woods. They seek for them nothing appears. They are quasi convinced that they rendered themselves invisible and as they suddenly departed, so will they pounce as suddenly on their village. ;

;

;

;

PAPERS KELATING TO

JDt QTotttcelles'

They saw no batteau, and even if they saw it they could not imagine that our Frenchmen would be so rash as to precipitate themselves into rapids and breakers, among rocks and horrible dangers in which themselves though very expert in passing through Saults and Cascades, often lose their lives. They persuade themselves either that they walked on the waves, or fled through the air or as seemed most probable, that they concealed themselves in the woods. They seek for them nothing appears. They are quasi convinced that they rendered themselves invisible and as they suddenly departed, so will they pounce as suddenly on their village. ;

;

;

;

PAPERS KELATING TO

JDt QTotttcelles'

an& IDe Stracg'0 fepe&itton* AGAINST

THE MOHAWK INDIANS.

^nna 1665-- 6.

[Vol. I.]

THE FIRST FORTS ERECTED ON THE

[

IROQUOIS

RIVER.

Relation de ce qui s'est passe en la Nouvelle France es annees 1664 & 1665. ]

At the same time that the Outaouaks embarked to return to their country, the wind becoming more favorable, the soldiers who had been obliged to stop at Three Rivers likewise embarked and after having navigated Lake St. Peter arrived at the mouth of the River Richelieu, which leads to ;

the Iroquois of the Mohawk. The plan entertained at this first campaign was to erect on the route some forts, which were considered absolutely necessary as well to secure the passage and liberty of trade as to serve for stores for the troops and retreats for sick and wounded soldiers. For this purpose three advantageous posts

At the same time that the Outaouaks embarked to return to their country, the wind becoming more favorable, the soldiers who had been obliged to stop at Three Rivers likewise embarked and after having navigated Lake St. Peter arrived at the mouth of the River Richelieu, which leads to ;

the Iroquois of the Mohawk. The plan entertained at this first campaign was to erect on the route some forts, which were considered absolutely necessary as well to secure the passage and liberty of trade as to serve for stores for the troops and retreats for sick and wounded soldiers. For this purpose three advantageous posts

The first at the mouth of the Iroquois River

were selected.

;

the second seventeen leagues higher

up, at the foot of a current of water called the Sault de Richelieu; the third about three leagues above this current.

The first fort, named Richelieu, was built by Mons. de Chamblay, who commanded five companies which Monsieur de Tracy sent there. The second fort, named St. Louis, because it was commenced the week of the celebration of the festival of that great saint, protector of our Kings and of France, was built by M. de Sorel, who commanded five other companies of the Regiment of the Carignan The [third] fort was fortunately finished in the month of October on St. Theresa's Salieres. From this third fort of St. Therese we can easily reach Lake derived its name. day, whence it .

.

•

Champlain without meeting any rapids to stop the batteaux. This Lake, after a length of sixty leagues, finally terminates in the country of the Mohawk Iroquois. intended to build there, early next spring, a fourth fort, which will command those coun-

Louis, because it was commenced the week of the celebration of the festival of that great saint, protector of our Kings and of France, was built by M. de Sorel, who commanded five other companies of the Regiment of the Carignan The [third] fort was fortunately finished in the month of October on St. Theresa's Salieres. From this third fort of St. Therese we can easily reach Lake derived its name. day, whence it .

.

•

Champlain without meeting any rapids to stop the batteaux. This Lake, after a length of sixty leagues, finally terminates in the country of the Mohawk Iroquois. intended to build there, early next spring, a fourth fort, which will command those coun-

It is still

tries, and from which continual attacks can be made on the enemy, if they do not listen to reason.

We shall give at the end of the next chapter, the plan of these three forts, with the map of the Iroquois country 1 which has not been as yet seen, after having given some particulars of those people?

who thwart us so long a time, because they have never been efficiently attacked.

OF THE IROQUOIS COUNTRY AND THE ROUTES LEADING THITHER. It must be premised that the Iroquois are composed of five Nations, of which the nearest to the

Dutch, is that of the Mohawk consisting of two or three villages containing about three to four hundred men capable of bearing arms. These have always been at war with us, though they sometimes pretended to sue for peace.

who thwart us so long a time, because they have never been efficiently attacked.

OF THE IROQUOIS COUNTRY AND THE ROUTES LEADING THITHER. It must be premised that the Iroquois are composed of five Nations, of which the nearest to the

Dutch, is that of the Mohawk consisting of two or three villages containing about three to four hundred men capable of bearing arms. These have always been at war with us, though they sometimes pretended to sue for peace.

For the Map above referred to, see the Vol. of Relations in the State Library.

FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS.

Proceeding towards the West, at a distance of forty -five leagues, is found the second Nation, called Oneida, which has no more, at most, than one hundred and forty warriors, and has never wished to on the contrary it has always embarrassed affairs when they

listen to any negotiations for peace ;

appeared about to be arranged. Fifteen leagues towards sunset is Onnontague, which has full three hundred men.

We have been

formerly received there as friends and treated as enemies, which obliged us to abandon that post,

where we remained two years, as if in the centre of all the Iroquois Nations, whence we proclaimed the gospel to all those poor people, assisted by a garrison of Frenchmen sent by Monsieur de Lauzon,

then Governor of New France, to take possession of those countries in his Majesty's name.

At twenty or thirty leagues from there still towards the West is the village of Cayuga, of three hundred warriors, where in the year 1657, we had a mission which formed a little church filled with piety in the midst of these Barbarians.

where we remained two years, as if in the centre of all the Iroquois Nations, whence we proclaimed the gospel to all those poor people, assisted by a garrison of Frenchmen sent by Monsieur de Lauzon,

then Governor of New France, to take possession of those countries in his Majesty's name.

At twenty or thirty leagues from there still towards the West is the village of Cayuga, of three hundred warriors, where in the year 1657, we had a mission which formed a little church filled with piety in the midst of these Barbarians.

Towards the termination of the Great Lake, called Ontario, is located the most numerous of the Five Iroquois Nations, named the Senecas, which contains full twelve hundred men in two or three villages of which it is composed.

These last two nations have never openly made war on us, and have always remained neuter. All that extent of country is partly south, partly west of the French settlements, at a distance of

from one hundred to one hundred and fifty leagues.

It is for the most part fertile, covered with fine

timber ; among the rest entire forests of chestnut and hickory (noyer,) intersected by numerous lakes

and rivers abounding in fish. bearing

all

The air is temperate

the fruits of Touraine and Provence.

;

the seasons regular as in France, capable of

The snows are not deep nor of long duration.

The three winters which we passed there among the Onnontagues, were mild, compared with the winters at Quebec where the ground is covered five months with snow, three, four and five feet deep.

timber ; among the rest entire forests of chestnut and hickory (noyer,) intersected by numerous lakes

and rivers abounding in fish. bearing

all

The air is temperate

the fruits of Touraine and Provence.

;

the seasons regular as in France, capable of

The snows are not deep nor of long duration.

The three winters which we passed there among the Onnontagues, were mild, compared with the winters at Quebec where the ground is covered five months with snow, three, four and five feet deep.

As we inhabit the Northern part of New France and the Iroquois the South, it is not surprising that their lands are more agreeable and more capable of cultivation and of bearing better fruit.

There are two principal rivers leading to the Iroquois land and this

is

;

one to those which are near New Netherthe Richelieu river of which we shall speak hereafter ; the second conducts to the

more distant from us, always ascending our great river St. Lawrence which divides, above Montreal, as if into two branches, whereof one goes to the antient country of the Hurons, the

other Nations

other to that of the Iroquois. Tliis is one of the most important rivers that can be seen, whether we regard its beauty or its convenience

;

for

we meet there almost throughout, a vast number of beautiful Islands, some large

others small, but all covered with fine timber and full of deer, bears, wild cows which supply abundance of provisions necessary for the travellers who find it every where, and some times entire herds of fallow deer.

other to that of the Iroquois. Tliis is one of the most important rivers that can be seen, whether we regard its beauty or its convenience

;

for

we meet there almost throughout, a vast number of beautiful Islands, some large

others small, but all covered with fine timber and full of deer, bears, wild cows which supply abundance of provisions necessary for the travellers who find it every where, and some times entire herds of fallow deer.

The banks of the main land are ordinarily shaded by huge oaks and other lofty

timber covering a good soil. Before arriving at the Great Lake Ontario, two others are traversed, one of which adjoins the Island of Montreal, the other is amidway.

It is ten leagues long by six wide.

It is

terminated by

a great many little islands very pleasing to the sight, and we have named it Lake St. Francis.

But what renders this river inconvenient is the water falls and rapids which extend for the space of forty leagues, to wit from Montreal to the entrance of Lake Ontario, there being only the two lakes just mentioned of easy navigation.

To surmount these torrents, we must often debark from

the canoe and walk in the river whose waters are sufficiently low in these quarters, chiefly towards the banks.

We take the canoe in hand dragging it after us.

ward

bow, the other behind at the stern

at the

of the bark of trees, and as it is not loaded, great resistance.

But what renders this river inconvenient is the water falls and rapids which extend for the space of forty leagues, to wit from Montreal to the entrance of Lake Ontario, there being only the two lakes just mentioned of easy navigation.

To surmount these torrents, we must often debark from

the canoe and walk in the river whose waters are sufficiently low in these quarters, chiefly towards the banks.

We take the canoe in hand dragging it after us.

ward

bow, the other behind at the stern

at the

of the bark of trees, and as it is not loaded, great resistance.

;

Ordinarily two men suffice, one forand as the canoe is very light, being made merely

more smoothly over the water, not meeting Some times the canoe is to be landed and carried some distance, one man in front, it

glides

FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS.

the other in the rear ; the first carrying one end of the canoe on the right shoulder, the second carrying the other end on the left.

It becomes necessary to do this either on meeting cascades and entire

rivers which fall some times perpendicularly

from a prodigious height or when the current is too

rapid ; or when the water thereabout being too deep, we cannot walk, dragging the canoe along by or when the country is to be crossed from one river to the other. But when the mouth of the Great Lake is reached, the navigation is easy, when the waters are tranquil, becoming insensibly wider at first then about two-thirds, next one half and finally out of sight (of land) especially after one has passed an infinity of little islands which are at the entrance of the Lake, in such great number and in such a variety that the most experienced Iroquois Pilots sometimes lose themselves there, and experience considerable difficulty in distinguishing the course to be steered, in the confusion and as it were in the labyrinth formed by the islands, which otherwise have nothing agreeable beyond their multitude.

But when the mouth of the Great Lake is reached, the navigation is easy, when the waters are tranquil, becoming insensibly wider at first then about two-thirds, next one half and finally out of sight (of land) especially after one has passed an infinity of little islands which are at the entrance of the Lake, in such great number and in such a variety that the most experienced Iroquois Pilots sometimes lose themselves there, and experience considerable difficulty in distinguishing the course to be steered, in the confusion and as it were in the labyrinth formed by the islands, which otherwise have nothing agreeable beyond their multitude. For these are only huge rocks rising out the water, covered merely by moss, or a few spruce or other stunted wood whose roots spring from the clefts of the rocks which can supply no other aliment or moisture to these barren trees than what the rains the hand

;

;

;

furnish them.

After leaving this melancholy abode, the Lake

is

discovered appearing like unto a sea without

islands or bounds, where barks and ships can sail in all safety ; so that the communication would be

easy between

all

the French colonies that could be established on the borders of this Great Lake

which is more than a hundred leagues long by thirty to forty wide. It is from this point that all the Iroquois Nations can be readied, by various directions, except the

Mohawks, the route to whom is by the River Richelieu, of which we can safely say two words since they regard it, that our troops have already constructed the three forts of which we have spoken. It is called the Richelieu River because of the fort of the same name which was erected there at its mouth at the commencement of the wars and which has been rebuilt anew to secure the entrance of that river.

Mohawks, the route to whom is by the River Richelieu, of which we can safely say two words since they regard it, that our troops have already constructed the three forts of which we have spoken. It is called the Richelieu River because of the fort of the same name which was erected there at its mouth at the commencement of the wars and which has been rebuilt anew to secure the entrance of that river. It likewise bears the name of the River of the Iroquois, because it is the route which leads thither, and it is by it these Barbarians used most ordinarily come to attack us. The bed of this river is one hundred to one hundred and fifty paces wide almost throughout, though at its mouth ;

it is

somewhat narrower

:

decorated with beautiful pines through which we can walk men have done a foot by land nearly twenty leagues of the way

its borders are

with ease ; as in fact fifty of our

from the mouth of the river to the Sault, which is so called, though it is not properly a waterfall but only an impetuous rapid full of rocks, that arrest its course and render the navigation almost impossible for three quarters of a league.

In time however

its

passage

may be facilitated.

The

remainder of the river has from the beginning a very fine bottom ; as many as eight islands are be met with before arriving at the basin, which is at the foot of the Sault.

from the mouth of the river to the Sault, which is so called, though it is not properly a waterfall but only an impetuous rapid full of rocks, that arrest its course and render the navigation almost impossible for three quarters of a league.

In time however

its

passage

may be facilitated.

The

remainder of the river has from the beginning a very fine bottom ; as many as eight islands are be met with before arriving at the basin, which is at the foot of the Sault.

to

This basin is like a little

lake, a league and a half in circumference and six to eight feet deep, where fish

abounds almost at

all seasons.

To the right of this basin in going up, is seen Fort Saint Louis, built quite recently here, which is very convenient for the design entertained against the Iroquois, since its position renders it almost impregnable and causes it to command the whole river. After passing the rapids of the Sault which extend three leagues, the third fort is visible that terminates all these rapids

:

for the river afterwards is very beautiM and quite navigable to the Lake

called Champlain, at the extremities of which we enter on the lands of the Mohawk Iroquois.

FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS.

OF THE

WAR AND THE TREATIES OF PEACE OF THE FRENCH WITH THE [

IROQUOIS.

Relation, &c, es annges, 1665, 1666. ]

The great varieties of Nations which are in these countries, the changeable and perfidious disand the barbarism of all these tribes not permitting us to hope for anystable peace with them except inasmuch as it can be maintained by the terror of the king's arms, it is not to be wondered at that peace succeeds war so easily, and that wars terminate so position of the Iroquois

IROQUOIS.

Relation, &c, es annges, 1665, 1666. ]

The great varieties of Nations which are in these countries, the changeable and perfidious disand the barbarism of all these tribes not permitting us to hope for anystable peace with them except inasmuch as it can be maintained by the terror of the king's arms, it is not to be wondered at that peace succeeds war so easily, and that wars terminate so position of the Iroquois

quickly in peace.

The ambassadors of five different Nations were seen to solicit peace; yet these

in one year at Quebec,

who came there

did not prevent us punishing by a good war those who answered

badly by their conduct the promises of their deputies.

The first of these Ambassadors who came from the Upper Iroquois, were presented to M. de Tracy in the month of December of the year 1665, and the most influential among them was a famous Captain, called Garacontie, who always signalized his zeal for the French, and employed

among all these tribes, in extricating our prisoners from their hands, as he has liberated very recently Sieur Le Moine, an inhabitant of Montreal, who had been captured three months ago by these Barbarians. M. de Tracy having notified him by the usual presents that he would give him a friendly audience,

the credit which he has

he pronounced a harangue full of good sense and an eloquence evincing no trace of the barbarous. It contained nothing but courtesies and offers of friendship and service on the part of all his tribe

among all these tribes, in extricating our prisoners from their hands, as he has liberated very recently Sieur Le Moine, an inhabitant of Montreal, who had been captured three months ago by these Barbarians. M. de Tracy having notified him by the usual presents that he would give him a friendly audience,

the credit which he has

he pronounced a harangue full of good sense and an eloquence evincing no trace of the barbarous. It contained nothing but courtesies and offers of friendship and service on the part of all his tribe

;

wishes for a new Jesuit Mission, and expressions of condolence on the death of the late- Father Le

Moine, the intelligence of which he had just received.

However as no advantage can be expected from these Nations except in so far as we appear able to injure them, preparations were made for a military expedition against those with

whom no peace Monsieur de Courcelles,who commanded, used every possible diligence so that he was ready to start on the 9th January of the year 1666, accompanied by M. du Gas, whom he could be concluded.

by M. de Salamper, Gentleman Volunteer by Father Pierre Rafteix by 300 men of the Regiment of Carignan Salieres and 200 Volunteers, habitans of the French Colonies. This march could not but be tedious, every one having snow shoes on his feet, to the use of which none were accustomed, and all, not excepting the officers nor even M. de Courcelles himself, being loaded, each witli from 25 to 30 pounds of biscuit, clothing and other necessary supplies. A more difficult or longer march than that of tills little army, can scarcely be met with iu any history, and it required a French courage and the perseverance of M. de Courcelles, to undertake it.

This march could not but be tedious, every one having snow shoes on his feet, to the use of which none were accustomed, and all, not excepting the officers nor even M. de Courcelles himself, being loaded, each witli from 25 to 30 pounds of biscuit, clothing and other necessary supplies. A more difficult or longer march than that of tills little army, can scarcely be met with iu any history, and it required a French courage and the perseverance of M. de Courcelles, to undertake it. In addition to the embarrassment caused by the snow shoes, which is a species of great inconvenience and that of the burthen which each one was obliged to carry, it was necessary to walk three hundred leagus on the snow cross lakes and rivers continually on the ice in danger of making as many falls as steps sleep only on the snow in the midst of the forest and endure a cold surpassing by many degrees in severity that of the most rigorous European winters. Om- troops, however, having gone the first day to Sillery to recommend the success of their entertook for his Lieutenant

;

;

Jesuit ;

:

;

prize to St. Michael the Archangel the patron of that place ;

many had, as early as the third day,

the nose, the ears, the knees and the fingers or other parts entirely frozen and the remainder of the

body covered with cicatrixes, and some others wholly overcome and benumbed by the cold would have perished in the snow, had they not been carried, though with considerable difficulty, to the place where they were to pass the night.

Michael the Archangel the patron of that place ;

many had, as early as the third day,

the nose, the ears, the knees and the fingers or other parts entirely frozen and the remainder of the

body covered with cicatrixes, and some others wholly overcome and benumbed by the cold would have perished in the snow, had they not been carried, though with considerable difficulty, to the place where they were to pass the night.

FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS.

Sieurs De la Fouille, Maximin and Lobiac, Captains in the Carignan regiment, having joined this little

army on the 24th January, each with 20 soldiers of their companies and some habitans of the

place were treated by the cold, on the day following, worse than any had previously been, and many soldiers were obliged to be brought back, of

whom some had the legs cut by the ice and others the

hands or the arms or other parts of the body altogether frozen.

These losses were repaired by

Sieurs de Chambly, Petit and Rogemont, Captains of the same regiment, and by the Sieurs Mignardi,

Lieutenant of the Colonel's company which was withdrawn from Forts St. Louis and St. Therese,

where the troops rendezvoused on the 30th of the same month.

So that the army being still 500

men strong finally arrived on the 14th of February, with the same difficulties and the same dangers, as before, in the enemy's country, at 20 leagues distance from their villages.

The journey yet to be

Sieurs de Chambly, Petit and Rogemont, Captains of the same regiment, and by the Sieurs Mignardi,

Lieutenant of the Colonel's company which was withdrawn from Forts St. Louis and St. Therese,

where the troops rendezvoused on the 30th of the same month.

So that the army being still 500

men strong finally arrived on the 14th of February, with the same difficulties and the same dangers, as before, in the enemy's country, at 20 leagues distance from their villages.

The journey yet to be

travelled, was very long in consequence of the prodigious depth of the snow and the delay of the

Algonquin guides, in whose absence unknown routes were to be tried and continual mistakes experienced.

Finally information was received from prisoners who were taken in some detached cabins, and from the Commandant of a hamlet inhabited by the Dutch of New Netherland, that the greater part

of the Mohawks and Oneidas having gone to a distance to make war against other tribes called the

Wampum Makers, (les faiseurs de porcelaine) had left in their villages only the children and the helpless old men ;

and it was considered useless to push farther forward an expedition which had all

the effect intended by the terror it spread among all the tribes, who were haughty and perfidious

only because they considered themselves inaccessible to our troops. killed several savages who from time to time

Before returning however we made their appearance along the skirts of the forest

for the purpose of skirmishing with our people.

Wampum Makers, (les faiseurs de porcelaine) had left in their villages only the children and the helpless old men ;

and it was considered useless to push farther forward an expedition which had all

the effect intended by the terror it spread among all the tribes, who were haughty and perfidious

only because they considered themselves inaccessible to our troops. killed several savages who from time to time

Before returning however we made their appearance along the skirts of the forest

for the purpose of skirmishing with our people.

Sieur Aiguemorte and some of our soldiers were

also killed pursuing them.

The effects of the terror produced by his Majesty's arms on the hearts of these savages were appamonth of May following, by the arrival of ambassadors from the Senecas, (Sonnontouaeronnons) who demanded the King's protection for their nation and the continuation of M. de Tracy had already repeace, which they pretended they never violated by any hostile act. fused 34 presents that they had tendered him, but perceiving that it affected them sensibly and that rent at Quebec in the

they considered it the greatest insult that could be offered, he finally accepted their wampum belts, repeating to them that it was neither their presents nor their goods that the King desired, but their true happiness and salvation ; that they would derive all sorts of advantages from their confidence in his goodness which should be extended to the other Nations also, that they might experience its

most favorable effects, if they took the same care in imploring it by sending their ambassadors forthwith.

they considered it the greatest insult that could be offered, he finally accepted their wampum belts, repeating to them that it was neither their presents nor their goods that the King desired, but their true happiness and salvation ; that they would derive all sorts of advantages from their confidence in his goodness which should be extended to the other Nations also, that they might experience its

most favorable effects, if they took the same care in imploring it by sending their ambassadors forthwith.

These were soon succeeded by those of other tribes ; among the rest by those from the Oneida and even by those from the Mohawk, so that the deputies from the Five Iroquois Nations were almost at the same time at Quebec as if to confirm by one common accord a durable peace with France.

In order the better to accomplish this it was deemed proper to send some Frenchmen with the Oneida Ambassadors, who were also responsible for the conduct of the Mohawks, and even gave

The Dutch of New Netherland had likewise written in their behalf and went security for the faithful observance by all those Barbarians of the articles of peace entered into with hostages for them.

them.

These French delegates had orders to inform themselves of every thing carefully on the on the Savages, so that His Majesty's arms should

spot, and to learn if it were safe to confide again

not be retarded by an illusive hope of peace.

But scarcely were the Ambassadors two or three days journey from Quebec, when news came of the surprisal by the Mohawks of some Frenchmen belonging to Fort St. Anne who had gone to the chase,

These French delegates had orders to inform themselves of every thing carefully on the on the Savages, so that His Majesty's arms should

spot, and to learn if it were safe to confide again

not be retarded by an illusive hope of peace.

But scarcely were the Ambassadors two or three days journey from Quebec, when news came of the surprisal by the Mohawks of some Frenchmen belonging to Fort St. Anne who had gone to the chase,

and of the murder of Sieur de Traversy, Captain in the Carignan Regiment and Sieur de

FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS.

Chusy, and that some volunteers had been taken prisoners.

The French delegates were at once recalled, and the Oneida savages who remained as hostages whose heads could have been at once split

by axes according to the laws of war in this country, were imprisoned. But without having recourse to these barbarous laws, means were adopted to derive greater advantage from this treachery and M. de Sorel, Captain in the Carignan Regiment, immediately collected a party of three hundred men, whom he led by forced marches into the enemy's country, resolved to put all, every where, to the sword. But when only 20 leagues distant from their villages he encountered new Ambassadors bringing back the Frenchmen taken near Fort St. Anne, and who were coming to offer every satisfaction for the murder of those who were slain and new guarantees for peace, so that this Captain having returned with his troops, there was no more talk but of peace, which they pretended to conclude by a general council of all the Tribes who had at the time delegates at Quebec. These treaties had not, however, all the success which was expected from them, and de Tracy concluded that, to ensure their success, it was necessary to render the Mohawks by force of arms more tractable, for they always opposed new obstacles to the publick tranquillity.

Anne, and who were coming to offer every satisfaction for the murder of those who were slain and new guarantees for peace, so that this Captain having returned with his troops, there was no more talk but of peace, which they pretended to conclude by a general council of all the Tribes who had at the time delegates at Quebec. These treaties had not, however, all the success which was expected from them, and de Tracy concluded that, to ensure their success, it was necessary to render the Mohawks by force of arms more tractable, for they always opposed new obstacles to the publick tranquillity. He wished, despite his advanced age, to lead in person against these Barbarians, an army composed of 600 soldiers drafted from all the companies, of six hundred habilans of the country and one hundred Huron and Algonquin savages. Through the exertions of M. Talon, all the preparations for this war were completed by the 14 th Sept r the day fixed on for departure, being that of the exaltation and triumph of the Cross, for whose glory this expedition was determined on. The general rendezvous was fixed for the 28 th of Sept., at Fort St. Anne recently constructed by Sieur La Mothe, Captain in the Carignan Regiment, on an Island in Lake Champlain. Some of the troops not being able to come up in sufficient time, M. de Tracy would not proceed before the 3 d of October, with the main body of the army. But M. de Courcelles impelled by his characteristic impatience for the fight, started some days ahead with 400 men, and Sieurs De Chambly and Berthier, commandants of the Forts St. Louis and Assumption were left to follow M. de Tracy, four days afterwards, with the rear guard. As it was necessary to march one hundred and twenty leagues into the interior to find the enemy's villages, and as several large lakes and many considerable rivers were to be crossed before arriving there, it was necessary to be provided with conveniences for land and water.

But M. de Courcelles impelled by his characteristic impatience for the fight, started some days ahead with 400 men, and Sieurs De Chambly and Berthier, commandants of the Forts St. Louis and Assumption were left to follow M. de Tracy, four days afterwards, with the rear guard. As it was necessary to march one hundred and twenty leagues into the interior to find the enemy's villages, and as several large lakes and many considerable rivers were to be crossed before arriving there, it was necessary to be provided with conveniences for land and water. Vessels requisite for this expedition had been prepared. Three hundred were ready; consisting partly of very fight batteaux, and partly of bark canoes, each of which carried at most five or six hundred persons. On crossing a river or lake, each was obliged to take charge of his own canoe and to carry the batteaux by main strength. This caused less labor than two small pieces of artillery which were conveyed even to the farthest Iroquois villages, to force more easily all the fortifications. Notwithstanding the care taken to accomplish this march with little noise, we could not prevent some Iroquois, despatched from 30 to 40 leagues to discover our troops, seeing from the mountain tops this little naval expedition, and running to warn the first village of it; so that ;

,

the alarm spreading afterwards from village to village, these barbarians

our troops found them abandoned, and were only seen on the mountains at a distance uttering great cries and firing

Notwithstanding the care taken to accomplish this march with little noise, we could not prevent some Iroquois, despatched from 30 to 40 leagues to discover our troops, seeing from the mountain tops this little naval expedition, and running to warn the first village of it; so that ;

,

the alarm spreading afterwards from village to village, these barbarians

our troops found them abandoned, and were only seen on the mountains at a distance uttering great cries and firing

some random shots at our soldiers.

Our army halting only for refreshment at all these villages, which were found void of men full of grain and provisions, expected to meet with a vigorous resistance at the last which

but

we prepared to attack in regular form, because the barbarians evinced by the great firing they made there, and the fortifications they had erected, every disposition for a desperate defence. But our people were again disappointed in their hope; for scarcely had the enemy seen the vanguard approach, when they immediately fled to the woods where night prevented our troops pursuing

them.

A triple palisade, surrounding their stronghold, twenty feet in height and

FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS.

flanked by four bastions, their prodigious quantities of provisions and the abundant supply of

water they had provided in bark tanks to extinguish fire when necessary, afforded sufficient first resolution had been quite different from that which the terror of our A few persons whom their advanced age had arms had caused them so suddenly to adopt. prevented withdrawing from the village two days previously with all the women and children, and the remains of two or three savages of another tribe whom they had half roasted at a slow

water they had provided in bark tanks to extinguish fire when necessary, afforded sufficient first resolution had been quite different from that which the terror of our A few persons whom their advanced age had arms had caused them so suddenly to adopt. prevented withdrawing from the village two days previously with all the women and children, and the remains of two or three savages of another tribe whom they had half roasted at a slow

evidence that their

with their accustomed fury, were all that were found.

After having planted the Cross and and sung the Te Beum on the spot, all that remained was to fire the palisades and cabins and to destroy all the stores of Indian corn, beans and other produce of the country found there. The other villages were again visited where as well as throughout the whole country, the same devastation was committed so that those who are acquainted with the mode fire

celebrated Mass

;

of living of these barbarians doubt not but famine will cause as many to perish as would have

been destroyed by the arms of our soldiery had they dared to await them, and that those who survive will be reduced by terror to peaceful conditions and to a demeanor more difficult to be

obtained from them by mere sanguinary victories.

The return route of our troops was more disagreeable than that taken in going, because the rivers being swollen some seven or eight feet by the rains, were found much more difficult to cross, and a storm which arose on Lake Champlain wrecked two canoes with eight persons, amongst whom was to be particularly regretted Sieur de Lugues, Lieutenant of a company, who made frequent displays of his valour in France as well as in Canada. The courage of our troops was ever wonderfully excited in the hardships of this expedition and in the face of danger, by the examples of M. de Tracy, M. de Courcelles and M. de Salliere, Quarter Master (Mestre de Camp) of the regiment and of Chevalier de Chaumont who desired always on approaching the villages to be of the forlorn hope and their generosity was animated by the zeal and pious sentiments with which Messrs. du Bois and Cosson, secular Priests, and ;

The courage of our troops was ever wonderfully excited in the hardships of this expedition and in the face of danger, by the examples of M. de Tracy, M. de Courcelles and M. de Salliere, Quarter Master (Mestre de Camp) of the regiment and of Chevalier de Chaumont who desired always on approaching the villages to be of the forlorn hope and their generosity was animated by the zeal and pious sentiments with which Messrs. du Bois and Cosson, secular Priests, and ;

Fathers Albanel and Rafaix, Jesuits, endeavored to inspire them.

Our excellent

Prelate

who had his hands ever raised to Heaven and had called every one to God and the Te Beum

prayers, during the absence of our troops, caused thanks to be given to

Every body here has conceived renewed hopes in consequence of the sung on their return. towards the country and of the manner in which the West India Company, to goodness King's has confided it, is affected towards it. So that we doubt not but we shall whom his Majesty very soon see most populous towns in the place of these extensive

worshipped in all these vast countries. END.

[Vol. I.]

forests,

and Jesus Christ

FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS.

A RELATION OF THE GOVEMO* OF CANNADA

MARCH WITH 600 VOLUNTEIRS INTO Y e TERRITORYES OF HIS ROYALL HIGHNESSE THE DUKE OF YORKE IN AMERICA. [

Lonci. Doc. II. ]

Upon the 29 h of Xber last, Monsier Coarsell the Governour of Canada, in Nova ffrancia begun his march witli near 600 men, to seeke out their inveterate ennemyes called the Mahauke Indians in their owne country and forts, there to take reuenge upon them for the seuerall murthers and spoyles which the Barbarians had for many yeares exercised in Cannada upon the French, and the Indians of those l

MARCH WITH 600 VOLUNTEIRS INTO Y e TERRITORYES OF HIS ROYALL HIGHNESSE THE DUKE OF YORKE IN AMERICA. [

Lonci. Doc. II. ]

Upon the 29 h of Xber last, Monsier Coarsell the Governour of Canada, in Nova ffrancia begun his march witli near 600 men, to seeke out their inveterate ennemyes called the Mahauke Indians in their owne country and forts, there to take reuenge upon them for the seuerall murthers and spoyles which the Barbarians had for many yeares exercised in Cannada upon the French, and the Indians of those l

parts even to the ruine of most, but to the insufferable discouragement of all those Inhabitants,

who being taken alive were usually tortured and eaten, or burnt by the Mauhaukes

;

If not taken,

yet liv d in perpetuall alarums to see their dwelling houses burnt, their Cattell and Corne destroyed.

Ah which powerfull arguments furnish't y e french with heate enough to march over the ffrozen lake of Canada, lying in the 60th degree of northerne latitude, and taking their tyme that the snow upon the ground was hard frozen (though in most jDlaces 4 foote deep) made use of Indian snow shoes w ch

hath the very form of a Rackett tyed to each foote, whereby y e body and feet are kept from sinking into the snow, and because it was not possible for horses to pass, or subsist in the snow, or for the

on their backes, and had lesse expectation to meete w th any reliefe in the vaste wilderness, the Governo r caused slight sledges to be made in good number, laying provisions upon them, drew them over the snow with mastive doggs, all these difficultyes put soldiers to carry their necessary provisions

hath the very form of a Rackett tyed to each foote, whereby y e body and feet are kept from sinking into the snow, and because it was not possible for horses to pass, or subsist in the snow, or for the

on their backes, and had lesse expectation to meete w th any reliefe in the vaste wilderness, the Governo r caused slight sledges to be made in good number, laying provisions upon them, drew them over the snow with mastive doggs, all these difficultyes put soldiers to carry their necessary provisions

together impeded his march, and by the mistake of his guides hapned to

fall

short of the castles of

the Mauhaukes, and to take up his quarters or rather incamp upon the 9 th of February within 2 myles

of a small village called Schonectade, lying

w th in the woods beyond fort Albany in y e territoryes of

his Royall highness, and 3 dayss march from the first castle of the Mahaukes.

The French suposed they were then come to their designed place, and the rather because y* evening they did rancounter w th a party of the Mohaukes who made appearance of retreating from the

French, Avhereupon a party of 60 of their best Fuzileers after them, but that small party drew the

French into an ambuscade of neare 200 Mohaukes planted behind trees, (who taking their advantage as it fell into their hands,) at one volley slew eleuen French men whereof one was a Lieuten*. wounded

The French suposed they were then come to their designed place, and the rather because y* evening they did rancounter w th a party of the Mohaukes who made appearance of retreating from the

French, Avhereupon a party of 60 of their best Fuzileers after them, but that small party drew the

French into an ambuscade of neare 200 Mohaukes planted behind trees, (who taking their advantage as it fell into their hands,) at one volley slew eleuen French men whereof one was a Lieuten*. wounded

divers others, the french party made an hono r able retreit to their body,

w ch was marching after them

w ch gave the Mohaukes tyme and opportunity to march off w th the loss of only 3 slaine upon the plaice and 6 wounded, the report whereof was soone brought to Schonecktade by those Indians, with the heads of 4 of the ffrench to the Commissary of the Village who immediately despatched the newes to Fort Albany, from whence the next day 3 of the principle inhabitants were sent to Monsier Coursell the Govemo of Cannada to inquire of his intention to bring such a body of armed men into the dominions of his Ma tie of Great Brittaine, w th out accquainting the Governo r of these parts w th his designes. The Govemo reply d that he come to seeke out and destroy his ennemyes the Mohaukes without intention of visiting their plantations, or else to molest any of his Ma tips subjects, and that [lie] had not heard of the reducing those parts to his Ma tics obedience, but desired that hee and his soldiers might bee supplied with provisions for their money, and that his wounded men might be sucoured, and taken care for in Albany To all which the Emissaryes freely consented and made a small but acceptable present of wine and provisions to him, further offering tbe best accommodations y e poore village afforded, av c1 was civilly refus'd, in regard there was not accommadacon for his soldyers, with whom he had marcht and campt under the blew canopye of the heavens full six weekes, but hee prudently foresaw a greater inconvenience if hee had brought his weary and

The Govemo reply d that he come to seeke out and destroy his ennemyes the Mohaukes without intention of visiting their plantations, or else to molest any of his Ma tips subjects, and that [lie] had not heard of the reducing those parts to his Ma tics obedience, but desired that hee and his soldiers might bee supplied with provisions for their money, and that his wounded men might be sucoured, and taken care for in Albany To all which the Emissaryes freely consented and made a small but acceptable present of wine and provisions to him, further offering tbe best accommodations y e poore village afforded, av c1 was civilly refus'd, in regard there was not accommadacon for his soldyers, with whom he had marcht and campt under the blew canopye of the heavens full six weekes, but hee prudently foresaw a greater inconvenience if hee had brought his weary and

close at hand,

1'

;

»

FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS.

half starv'd people within the smell of a chimney corner, whom hee now cold keepe from stragling

or running away, not knowing whither to runn for feare of y c Indians ;

The next day Monsieur

Corsell sent his men to the village where they were carefully drest and sent to Albany, being seaven

in number, the

Dutch bores carryed to the camp such provisions as they had, and were too well

w ch a good quantity was brought y c Mohaukes were all gone to their Castles, with resolution to fight it out against the french, who being refresht and supplyed w th the aforesaid provisions made a shew of marching towards the Mohaukes Castles, but with payd for it

Corsell sent his men to the village where they were carefully drest and sent to Albany, being seaven

in number, the

Dutch bores carryed to the camp such provisions as they had, and were too well

w ch a good quantity was brought y c Mohaukes were all gone to their Castles, with resolution to fight it out against the french, who being refresht and supplyed w th the aforesaid provisions made a shew of marching towards the Mohaukes Castles, but with payd for it

;

Especially peaz and bread, of

;

faces about and great sylence and dilligence return'd towards Cannada.

Upon the 12 th of February, whether a Panick feare, some mutiny, or y c probability of the thawing of the lake, caus'd this sudden (w ch the Indians call a dishono able retreit) I cannot learne, but surely so bould and hardy an attempt (circumstances considered) hath not hapned in any age. All w ch vanisht like false fyer, and hath given new courage to their old enemyes y e Mauhaukes who by their

spyes hearing of y e retreat of y e French pursued them back to the Lake, but the French

making more speed to them from Canada, the Mohaukes did noe considerable prejudice to them, onely took 3 one of w ch at his own request they slew, not being able to march, the other they kept prisoners, they

found 5 others dead in the way with hunger and cold, but according to their manner brought the crownes of their heads away, those who observed the words and countenance of Monsieur Coursell,

spyes hearing of y e retreat of y e French pursued them back to the Lake, but the French

making more speed to them from Canada, the Mohaukes did noe considerable prejudice to them, onely took 3 one of w ch at his own request they slew, not being able to march, the other they kept prisoners, they

found 5 others dead in the way with hunger and cold, but according to their manner brought the crownes of their heads away, those who observed the words and countenance of Monsieur Coursell,

saw him disturbed in minde that the king was Master of these parts of the Country, where hee expected to have found the Dutch interest upermost, saying that the king of England did graspe at all

America, but hee did not beleive to see the Dutch the masters ere long

;

he enquired what garrison

or what fort was at Albany, 'twas told him a Captain and 60 English soldyers with 9 peece of ordinance in a small fort of foure Bastions, and that the Cap* thereof Cap* Baker had sent for 20 men

from annother garrison of the Kings at the Sopes, Avho probably might be arrived at Albany the same bower, thus finding his

men tyr'd, the Mohaukes resolute, and something doubtfull, without tryall

of the good will of the English Garrison, because y c reports were strong that the French King and States of Holland were united against

His Matic of England, Monsieur Coursell found it reasonable

or what fort was at Albany, 'twas told him a Captain and 60 English soldyers with 9 peece of ordinance in a small fort of foure Bastions, and that the Cap* thereof Cap* Baker had sent for 20 men

from annother garrison of the Kings at the Sopes, Avho probably might be arrived at Albany the same bower, thus finding his

men tyr'd, the Mohaukes resolute, and something doubtfull, without tryall

of the good will of the English Garrison, because y c reports were strong that the French King and States of Holland were united against

His Matic of England, Monsieur Coursell found it reasonable

to returne home nothing eifected, the 2 prisoners taken by the Mohaukes in the retreate tell

them yt

tins summer another attempt will be made upon their country with a greater force and supplyes of men, the truth or success of which I shall not now discourse upon, having given y e trew relation of what past from y e 29 th December to the 12 th of February.

[

From Paris Doc. I. ]

On the seventh of the month of July of the year 1666, the Iroquois of the Oneida Nation, having learned from the

Mohawks, their neighbors and allies and by the Dutch of Fort Orange that the

troops of Louis the fourteenth by the grace of God Most Christian King of France and Navarre, had in the month of February of the said year carried his Majesty's arms-, over the

snow and ice near

I. ]

On the seventh of the month of July of the year 1666, the Iroquois of the Oneida Nation, having learned from the

Mohawks, their neighbors and allies and by the Dutch of Fort Orange that the

troops of Louis the fourteenth by the grace of God Most Christian King of France and Navarre, had in the month of February of the said year carried his Majesty's arms-, over the

snow and ice near

unto Fort Orange in New Netherland, under the command of Messire Daniel de Courcelle, Lieutenant General of his armies, pursuant to orders which they received from Messire Alexandre de Prouville knight, Lord de Tracy, member of his Majesty's councils and Lieut. Genl. of his armies, both in the Islands and mainland of South and North America, as well by sea as by land, to fight and destroy the

Mohawks, which probably they would have accomplished, had not the mistake of their guides caused them to take one road for the other, came down to Quebec to solicit peace as well in their own name as in that of the Mohawks by ten of their Ambassadors, by name Soenres, Tsoenserouanne, Gan-

FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS.

noukouenioton, Asaregouenioton, Asaregouaune, Tsendiagou, Achinnhara, Togoukouaras, Oskaraquets, Akouehen, And after having communicated by the mouth of their Orator and Chief Soenres, the object of their Embassy by ten talks expressed by as many presents, and having

handed to us the

letters from the officers of New Netherland, have unanimously requested, acknowledging the force of his Majesty's arms and their weakness and the condition of the forts advanced towards them, and

FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS.

noukouenioton, Asaregouenioton, Asaregouaune, Tsendiagou, Achinnhara, Togoukouaras, Oskaraquets, Akouehen, And after having communicated by the mouth of their Orator and Chief Soenres, the object of their Embassy by ten talks expressed by as many presents, and having

handed to us the

letters from the officers of New Netherland, have unanimously requested, acknowledging the force of his Majesty's arms and their weakness and the condition of the forts advanced towards them, and

moreover aware that the three upper Iroquois Nations have always experienced great benefit from the protection which they formerly received from the said Lord the King, that his Majesty would be pleased to extend to them the same favour by granting them the same protection, and receiving them among the number of his true subjects, demanding that the Treaties formerly made as well by the said Nations as

by

theirs,

have the same force and validity for that of the Mohawks, who have required of us to solicit this with great importunity, as they should have themselves done by means of their Ambassadors had they not been apprehensive of bad treatment at our hands, ratifying on their

part all the said treaties in all their points and articles, which have been read to them in the Iroquois

tongue by Joseph Marie Chaumont, priest, member of the Society of Jesus

;

adding, moreover, to all

the said articles what the protest effecting in good faith what they offered by their said presents,

Hurons whom they hold prisoners among them of what condition and quality they may be, and as long as any are detained there, even on the part of the Mohawks, to send families from among them to serve, like those of other nations as the most strict hostages for their persons and dispositions to the orders of those who shall in this Country have authority from the said Lord the King whom they acknowledge from this time as their Sovereign demanding reciprocally among all other things the restoration to them in good faith, of all those of their Nation who are prisoners at Quebec, Montreal and Three Rivers, that French families and some Black gowns, that is Jesuits be sent them, to preach the gospel to them and to make known to them the God of the French whom they promise to love and adore also that trade and commerce be open to them with New France, by the Lake du Saint Sacrement, (L.

Hurons whom they hold prisoners among them of what condition and quality they may be, and as long as any are detained there, even on the part of the Mohawks, to send families from among them to serve, like those of other nations as the most strict hostages for their persons and dispositions to the orders of those who shall in this Country have authority from the said Lord the King whom they acknowledge from this time as their Sovereign demanding reciprocally among all other things the restoration to them in good faith, of all those of their Nation who are prisoners at Quebec, Montreal and Three Rivers, that French families and some Black gowns, that is Jesuits be sent them, to preach the gospel to them and to make known to them the God of the French whom they promise to love and adore also that trade and commerce be open to them with New France, by the Lake du Saint Sacrement, (L. George) with the assurance on their part that they will provide in their country, a sure retreat as well to the said families as to the trading merchants, not only by preparing cabins to lodge them in, but also by assisting to erect forts to shelter them from their common enemies the Andastaeronnons and others. And that the present Treaty, made on their part in ratification of the preceding, may be stable and known unto all, they have signed it with the separate and distinctive marks of their Tribes, after which what they solicited from the said Lord the King was granted to them in his name by Messire Alexandre de Prouville, Knight, Lord de Tracy member of the King's Councils, &c. (as above) in the presence and assisted by M. Daniel de Remy Siegneur de Courcelles, King's Councillor, &c, &c, and of M.

And that the present Treaty, made on their part in ratification of the preceding, may be stable and known unto all, they have signed it with the separate and distinctive marks of their Tribes, after which what they solicited from the said Lord the King was granted to them in his name by Messire Alexandre de Prouville, Knight, Lord de Tracy member of the King's Councils, &c. (as above) in the presence and assisted by M. Daniel de Remy Siegneur de Courcelles, King's Councillor, &c, &c, and of M. Jean Talon also Councillor, &c. who have signed with the said Lord de Tracy and as especially to restore all the Frenchmen, Algonquins and

;

;

;

Witnesses, Francois le Mercier, Priest, Member and Superior of the Society of Jesus at Quebec and

Joseph Marie Chaumont likewise Priest and Member of the said Society, Interpreters of the Iroquois

and Huron languages.

Done at Quebec the 12 July, 1666.

FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS.

ACTE OF POSSESSION BY SIEUR DU BOIS IN THE NAME OF THE KING (OF FRANCE) OF THE FORTS TAKEN FROM THE IROQUOIS. In the year 1666, the 17 th day of Octob., the King's troops commanded by Messire Alexander de Prouville Knight, Lord de Tracy Lieut. General of His Ma ties Naval armies both in the Islands and

Continent of South and North America as well by sea as by land, aided by Messire Daniel de Remy

Knight, Seigneur de Courcelles, Governor and Lieut. General for the King in New France, being drawn up in battle array before the Tort of Andaraque, Jean Baptiste du Bois Esq rs Sieur de Cocreaumont and de St. Morice, Commandant of the Artillery of the army, presented himself at the head of the army by order of Mons. Lord de Tracy and deputed by M.

Continent of South and North America as well by sea as by land, aided by Messire Daniel de Remy

Knight, Seigneur de Courcelles, Governor and Lieut. General for the King in New France, being drawn up in battle array before the Tort of Andaraque, Jean Baptiste du Bois Esq rs Sieur de Cocreaumont and de St. Morice, Commandant of the Artillery of the army, presented himself at the head of the army by order of Mons. Lord de Tracy and deputed by M. Jean Talon, King's Councillor in his State and Privy Councils, Intendant General of Justice, Police and Finance in New France, for the review and direction of the Supplies of the Troops, who declared and said that at the request of Mons r Talon he took possession of said Fort and of all the lands in the neighbourhood as far and in as great a quantity as they may extend, and of the other four forts which have been conquered from the Iroquois in the name of the King, and in token thereof hath planted a Cross before the doors of said forts and near this hath erected a post and to these hath affixed the King's arms, of which and of all the above the said Sieur du Bois has required acte of the undersigned Royal Notary commanded in the said army for His Majesty's service. Done at the aforesaid Fort of Andaraque the day and year above written, in presence of Messire Alexander de Chaumont, Knight Seigneur of said place, Aid de Camp of his Majesty's armies, and of Hector d'Andigny, Knight of Grande Fontaine, Captain of a

Jean Talon, King's Councillor in his State and Privy Councils, Intendant General of Justice, Police and Finance in New France, for the review and direction of the Supplies of the Troops, who declared and said that at the request of Mons r Talon he took possession of said Fort and of all the lands in the neighbourhood as far and in as great a quantity as they may extend, and of the other four forts which have been conquered from the Iroquois in the name of the King, and in token thereof hath planted a Cross before the doors of said forts and near this hath erected a post and to these hath affixed the King's arms, of which and of all the above the said Sieur du Bois has required acte of the undersigned Royal Notary commanded in the said army for His Majesty's service. Done at the aforesaid Fort of Andaraque the day and year above written, in presence of Messire Alexander de Chaumont, Knight Seigneur of said place, Aid de Camp of his Majesty's armies, and of Hector d'Andigny, Knight of Grande Fontaine, Captain of a

Company of Infantry in the Carignan Regiment, of the Nobleman Antoine de

Contrecour Cap n of a Company of Infantry in said Regiment, of Francois Masse Sieur de Wally

Jean

du Gal Esq ls Sieur du Fresne Major of Canada, Jean Louis Chevalier du Glas Lieut of a Company of said Regim 1 Rene Louis Char tier Esq r Sieur de Lobinire Lieutenant of a Militia Company from Quebec, Dominique le Feure Esq Sieur de Quesquelin Lieutenant in said Regiment, Witnesses undersigned with the said Seigneur du Bois and the Notary. Signed, Chaumont, le Chevalier de Grand Fontain, de Contrecour, du Gal, Wally, Chev lier du Glas, du Guesclin, Rene Louis Chartier, Lobiniere, du Bois and du Guet Royal Notary. ,

du Gal Esq ls Sieur du Fresne Major of Canada, Jean Louis Chevalier du Glas Lieut of a Company of said Regim 1 Rene Louis Char tier Esq r Sieur de Lobinire Lieutenant of a Militia Company from Quebec, Dominique le Feure Esq Sieur de Quesquelin Lieutenant in said Regiment, Witnesses undersigned with the said Seigneur du Bois and the Notary. Signed, Chaumont, le Chevalier de Grand Fontain, de Contrecour, du Gal, Wally, Chev lier du Glas, du Guesclin, Rene Louis Chartier, Lobiniere, du Bois and du Guet Royal Notary. ,

,

r

,

GOV. NICOLLS TO CHEV. TRACY, [

Monsieur, I was in

forreiners

AT QUEBEC.

Lond. Doc. II. ]

some measure surprized in february last with the newes of so considerable a force of under the command of Monsieur de Courcelle so farre advanct in these His Ma1 '* Dominions without my Knowledge and Consent, or the least notice given of intentions to any of His Mati es Colonies then in amity with the French Nation although proceedings heerin were not conformable to the practise in Europe, yet all my officers both Military and Civill soon resolu'd to

y

:

y

succor and relieve your Campe with such meane provisions as the Country affords [and] from village could bee expected and as they have in all former times been

a small

very affectionate with Christian

Charity to ransome or by any other meanes to convey divers French prisoners out of the hands of their barbarous Enemies so also their Intentions towards

some measure surprized in february last with the newes of so considerable a force of under the command of Monsieur de Courcelle so farre advanct in these His Ma1 '* Dominions without my Knowledge and Consent, or the least notice given of intentions to any of His Mati es Colonies then in amity with the French Nation although proceedings heerin were not conformable to the practise in Europe, yet all my officers both Military and Civill soon resolu'd to

y

:

y

succor and relieve your Campe with such meane provisions as the Country affords [and] from village could bee expected and as they have in all former times been

a small

very affectionate with Christian

Charity to ransome or by any other meanes to convey divers French prisoners out of the hands of their barbarous Enemies so also their Intentions towards

you is manifest in their letter of the 20th March last wherein their purpose was to give you a speedy notice that the Maquaes were at last

FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS.

wrought upon to treat of peace if you on your parts were so disposed, but it seems (by a sad accident intervening,) you are pleas'd to lay a greater burden upon them than they deserve after their sincere

To both y r Letters directed to the Captain and Commissaries at Albany themselves will return answer but hearing that you had Emploied Le S r Couture with y Letters I tooke a suddaine Resolution to have discourse with him to w ch purpose I came hither but find that affections to

wrought upon to treat of peace if you on your parts were so disposed, but it seems (by a sad accident intervening,) you are pleas'd to lay a greater burden upon them than they deserve after their sincere

To both y r Letters directed to the Captain and Commissaries at Albany themselves will return answer but hearing that you had Emploied Le S r Couture with y Letters I tooke a suddaine Resolution to have discourse with him to w ch purpose I came hither but find that affections to

your peace.

he is return'd without the Knowledge of the Capt. or Commissarie. I could have wisht that hee had staid for mee, or that I could wait his coming for I now want the opportunity of enlarging myself to

him and by him to y selfe with how much Integrity I shall constantly attend the European Interest r

amidst the heathen in America as becomes a good Christain, provided that the bounds and limits of these His Majesties of Englands dominions be not invaded or the Peace and Safety of his subjects

interrupted, In all other points I shall be found to entertaine y r Correspondence with Mutuall Civility

y

honour hath spread itself in all these parts of and respect the rather because the Reputation of the world, as well as it is known hi Europe, whereof I can beare some Testimony, when I had the honour to attend my master his R. H. the Duke of York and Albany a few yeares in the french army, and now that I serve the same Master in bis interest in this part of the World, I should count my r selfe very fortunate in an opportunity at least to acknowledge some part of y great civilities to my condition of Exile, The Memory whereof obligeth Master and all his Servants in their low estate and me (a reasonable time and good occasion concurring) to give you certaine proofe with how much truth I am, Sir,

H. the Duke of York and Albany a few yeares in the french army, and now that I serve the same Master in bis interest in this part of the World, I should count my r selfe very fortunate in an opportunity at least to acknowledge some part of y great civilities to my condition of Exile, The Memory whereof obligeth Master and all his Servants in their low estate and me (a reasonable time and good occasion concurring) to give you certaine proofe with how much truth I am, Sir,

Yo Most affte. Servant r

Richard Nicolls. 20th Aug St Vet : ) In fort Albany 1666. $ :

;

A Monsieur, Monsieur Le Chevalier et Seigneur de Tracy Lt. Generall Du Roy tresChrestien dans toute L'Amerique. A Quebec.

M. TALON TO M. COLBERT, 13 Nov. [

1666.

Paris Doo. I. J

Monsieur de Tracy and Monsieur de Courcelles are returned from their Expedition, the Iroquois

The said M. de Tracy could do nothing These two gentlemen will inform you of whatever occurred tliroughout their march which occupied fifty -three days. What I learn from public having concluded to retreat and abandon their settlements.

else than burn their forts and lay waste everything.

opinion is that in what has been performed nothing has been left undone, and that the King's orders

had been executed and his expectations entirely realized had those savages stood their ground. It would, in truth, have been desirable that a part had been defeated and some others taken prisoners. The advanced age of M. de Tracy must greatly enhance the merit of the service he has rendered the King, by assuming in a broken down frame such as his, a fatigue of which no correct idea can be formed. I am assured that throughout the whole march of three hundred leagues, including the return, he suffered himself to be carried only during two days, and then he was forced to do so by the gout.

The advanced age of M. de Tracy must greatly enhance the merit of the service he has rendered the King, by assuming in a broken down frame such as his, a fatigue of which no correct idea can be formed. I am assured that throughout the whole march of three hundred leagues, including the return, he suffered himself to be carried only during two days, and then he was forced to do so by the gout. M. de Courcelles, though stronger than he, could not help being carried in like manner, having been attacked by a contraction of the nerves. Both in truth have endured all the fatigue that

human nature is capable of. M. de Tracy incurred some expenses on his march for the conveyance of the cannon and other liis modesty would not

extraordinary services rendered the troops, which I wished to reimburse, but suffer it.

FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS.

M. TRACY TO GOV. NICOLLLS. [

London Doc. I. ]

Sir

In answer to yo r letter of 31. August, [N. S.] I shall tell you that Mons de Courcelle Governor

General of this Countrey, signifying to mee that hee had a desire to make some inroad upon the

Maquas, to put a stopp to their barbarous Insolencies ; I gave my consent to further the design, that hee might take with liim so many officers and souldiers as he thought fit, either of his Ma ties Companyes, or those of y e Countrey. Whereupon hee advanced within fifteen or twenty leagues of the But fortunately for them his guides conducting him a wrong way, hee did villages of y c Anni6s. not meete with them, till he came neare the village which you name in yo r Letter, neither had he

Maquas, to put a stopp to their barbarous Insolencies ; I gave my consent to further the design, that hee might take with liim so many officers and souldiers as he thought fit, either of his Ma ties Companyes, or those of y e Countrey. Whereupon hee advanced within fifteen or twenty leagues of the But fortunately for them his guides conducting him a wrong way, hee did villages of y c Anni6s. not meete with them, till he came neare the village which you name in yo r Letter, neither had he

known there was any of them there, until he had surprized all the Indyans that were in two small Hutts at some distance from that place. This truth is sufficiently convincing, to justify Mons r de Courcelle, that hee had no intention to infringe the Peace, that was then between us, for that hee

thought himself in the Maquas land. the persons under his

The Moderacon which hee used in the said hutts (although

command were driven to the uttermost extremity, for want of Provisions)

hath sufficiently manifested the consideracons wee have always had for our allyes (for until then wee

had no intelligence, that New Holland was under any other Dominion than that of the States of the United Belgick Provinces) and understanding that hee was upon the Lands belonging to the Dutch, hee tooke great care to hinder his companyes from falling into the village, by which means alone the Maquaes that were there saved themselves. Hee also had so much care and authority as to hinder the souldiers from Killing the Poultry, and taking away Provisions that were in the said hutts, to satisfy their hunger. Thus farr, I ought to vindicate the truth upon this subject. The ffrench nation is too much inclined to acknowledge curtesies, not to confess that the Dutch have had very much charity for the ffrench, who have been Prisoners with the Maquaes, and that they have redeemed divers, who had been burnt wi th out their succour They ought also to be assured of our gratitude towards them, and to any others who shall exercise such Christian Deedes, as they ;

Thus farr, I ought to vindicate the truth upon this subject. The ffrench nation is too much inclined to acknowledge curtesies, not to confess that the Dutch have had very much charity for the ffrench, who have been Prisoners with the Maquaes, and that they have redeemed divers, who had been burnt wi th out their succour They ought also to be assured of our gratitude towards them, and to any others who shall exercise such Christian Deedes, as they ;

have done.

am also persuaded that they had a sincere intention for the conclusion of a firme peace between

They ought in like manner to believe, that wee have always expressly forbid make warr upon or kill them. y Since the Dutch Gent, did send you y e Lres which I writt unto them, you have knowne the canus and the Maques. e Algonquins to

dour of my thoughts, and the confidence which I had in their friendship, by that of the 14 th July 1666 as also by the Request I made to the Reverend Father Bechefer (who is a person of great meritt)

accompanyed with three considerable persons, to transport himself upon the place, to conclude a peace, thereby to ease them of the trouble of coming to Quebec. Its true the displeasure I received by the death of some Gent'men, who went a fowling upon confidence, of that article w ch is in the same letter those Gent'men sent mee, the second time, dated the 26 th March 1666, the which I had published in our Garrison [we have acquainted the Maquaes, that they are to forbear all acts of Hostility, during the time that the Messenger shall be absent

accompanyed with three considerable persons, to transport himself upon the place, to conclude a peace, thereby to ease them of the trouble of coming to Quebec. Its true the displeasure I received by the death of some Gent'men, who went a fowling upon confidence, of that article w ch is in the same letter those Gent'men sent mee, the second time, dated the 26 th March 1666, the which I had published in our Garrison [we have acquainted the Maquaes, that they are to forbear all acts of Hostility, during the time that the Messenger shall be absent

which they have promised to observe] did give mee a just griefe, and a great deale of discontent, It being evident that those Gent'men had not put themselves upon that hazard, without the assurance: w ch would have served amongst Europeans as well as the most authentick Passeport that could be had, the which also wee had caus'd the Algonquins to observe.

FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS.

Such an unexpected misfortune obliged mee to chang the designe I had of adventuring the person of the reverend Father Bechefer, and the rest that accompanied him, & I resolv'd to send only the Sieur Cousture (who had been a Prisoner among the Maques) with a letter to the Dutch Gent, of

The said Cousture having no other employ than what was in his Instruction which hath or might have been seene, since I gave him leave to shew it. I had never the thought of accusing those Dutch Gent'men either directly or indirectly, nor any other person, of holding intelligence with the Maques in so foule an action as was committed by them ; But writt onely to oblige them, and those other Gent'men who serve under yo r command at Albany, (for we were then in peace,) to councell the Maques, as Neighbours, to deliver up into our power, the actors of that murder, w eh was a satisfaction that with reason I might promise myselfe the 22 d July 1666.

I had never the thought of accusing those Dutch Gent'men either directly or indirectly, nor any other person, of holding intelligence with the Maques in so foule an action as was committed by them ; But writt onely to oblige them, and those other Gent'men who serve under yo r command at Albany, (for we were then in peace,) to councell the Maques, as Neighbours, to deliver up into our power, the actors of that murder, w eh was a satisfaction that with reason I might promise myselfe the 22 d July 1666.

on that occasion.

My L're of the 22 d July to those Gent'men at Albany, might have informed you what the S r Cousture was

;

ifor it had not beene

prudent after the death of those Gent'men, to hazard a person

of quality.

And I am very sorry that you tooke the paines to leave the place of y r usual residence

to make a

voyage to Albany, to have discourse with an ordinary Messenger who had nothing of

Trust committed to him.

The intention you signify to have of Embracing Allwayes the Interest of Europe, against the barbarous Indyans of America, is very commendable and befitting a person of your Quality and a

good Christian

That Passion which you likewise expresse, for the interest of his Maty

:

Brittaine, is to be esteemed, and there is no man of reason, who doth not approve y

r

f Great

judgm therein,

k that hath not the like for his Prince. I returne you thanks in particular for those obliging

The intention you signify to have of Embracing Allwayes the Interest of Europe, against the barbarous Indyans of America, is very commendable and befitting a person of your Quality and a

good Christian

That Passion which you likewise expresse, for the interest of his Maty

:

Brittaine, is to be esteemed, and there is no man of reason, who doth not approve y

r

f Great

judgm therein,

k that hath not the like for his Prince. I returne you thanks in particular for those obliging

termes you are pleas'd to use on my behalfe,

as also for the assurances you give mee of a desire to hold a mutuall Correspondence of civility and

respect with mee to y e end before proposed

:

If I was particularly knowne to you I might feare you

would alter your opinion of mee, for that Reputacdn doth very often give us advantages which wee do not deserve. I had the hono r to serve the King in Germany, in the most considerable commands of his Army, at the time when my son (that was hee and not mee) was knowne unto you, in those which served in fflanders, where he commanded His MatieS Cavalry of Strangers Hee had a very particular respect for the person, and for the great meritt of his Royal Highness, the Duke of York, who seemed You have no reasons to expect lesse to bee well pleased with his respectful carriage towards him services from mee, that you might have received from my son, upon all occasions where those of the :

I had the hono r to serve the King in Germany, in the most considerable commands of his Army, at the time when my son (that was hee and not mee) was knowne unto you, in those which served in fflanders, where he commanded His MatieS Cavalry of Strangers Hee had a very particular respect for the person, and for the great meritt of his Royal Highness, the Duke of York, who seemed You have no reasons to expect lesse to bee well pleased with his respectful carriage towards him services from mee, that you might have received from my son, upon all occasions where those of the :

:

King will permit mee to render them. It cannot bee but you must have heard from divers of your Nation that have beene in the Islands of America, how I have done them courtesyes with passion, and with as much civility as may bee ; I have cause enough to complaine that the same hath not beene practised towards me ffor that a vessell which went out of Boston, tooke in the Gulfe of St. Laurence, towards the latter end of June, ;

or the beginning of July 1665, (near upon five months before the declaracon of the warre) a barque

of between 25 and 30 tunnes, w c h belonged to mee, being laden with a good quantity of strong Waters, and other refreshments which come from France But as I know no other interest than that :

who bestowes many benefits upon mee, I shall easily forgett that losse, 'till the conclusion of Peace, you may also believe that I am w th a great deale of esteeme, of the service of his Ma*y

of between 25 and 30 tunnes, w c h belonged to mee, being laden with a good quantity of strong Waters, and other refreshments which come from France But as I know no other interest than that :

who bestowes many benefits upon mee, I shall easily forgett that losse, 'till the conclusion of Peace, you may also believe that I am w th a great deale of esteeme, of the service of his Ma*y

Sr

Your thrice affectionate and humble Serv 1

.

Tracy. Quebec Apr. 30, 1667.

$

IV.

REPORTS

&\)t

tyxoviutt

of

Nero

Olbout 1669; 167S,

[Vol. I.]

|J0rk*

GOV. NICOLLS

ANSWERS TO THE SEVERAL! QUERIES

RELATING TO THE PLANTERS IN THE TERRITORIES OF HIS [

R.

HS THE DUKE OF YORKE IN AMERICA,

Lontl. Doc. II. ]

The Governour and Councell with the High Sheriffe and the Justices of the Peace in the Court of the Generall assizes haue the Supreame Power of making, altering, and abolishing any Laws in this Government. The Country Sessions are held by Justices upon the Bench, Particular Town Courts by a Constable and Eight Overseers. The City Court of N. Yorke by a Mayor and 1st.

All causes tried by Juries. The Land is naturally apt to produce Come k Cattle so that the severall proportions or divideuts of Land are alwaies allowed with respect to the numbers of the Planters, what they are able to manage, and in w' time to accomplish their undertaking, the feed of Cattell is free in commonage to all Townships, The Lots of Meadow or Corne Ground are peculiar to each Planter. The Tenure of lands is derived from his R. H. s who gives and grants lands to Planters as 3 rd

The Land is naturally apt to produce Come k Cattle so that the severall proportions or divideuts of Land are alwaies allowed with respect to the numbers of the Planters, what they are able to manage, and in w' time to accomplish their undertaking, the feed of Cattell is free in commonage to all Townships, The Lots of Meadow or Corne Ground are peculiar to each Planter. The Tenure of lands is derived from his R. H. s who gives and grants lands to Planters as 3 rd

Aldermen. 2 nd

.

.

their freehold forever, they paying the customary rates and duties with others towards the defraying

of publique charges.

The highes Rent or acknowledgment to his R. H. s will bee one penny pr acre

for Lands purchased by his R. H. , the least two shillings sixe pence for each hundred acres, whereof s

the Planters themselves are purchasers from the Indyans. 4.

The Governour gives liberty to Planters to find out and buy lands from the Indyans where it

pleaseth best the Planters, but the seating of Towns together is necessary in these parts of America, especially upon the Maine Land. 5.

Liberty of Conscience is graunted and assured with the same Provisoe exprest in the Querie.

6.

Liberty of fishing and fowling is free to all by the Patent.

7.

All Causes are tried by Juries, no Lawes contrary to the Lawes of England.

Souldyers onely

are tryable by a Court Marshall, and none others except in cases of suddaine invasion, mutiny or rebellion

pleaseth best the Planters, but the seating of Towns together is necessary in these parts of America, especially upon the Maine Land. 5.

Liberty of Conscience is graunted and assured with the same Provisoe exprest in the Querie.

6.

Liberty of fishing and fowling is free to all by the Patent.

7.

All Causes are tried by Juries, no Lawes contrary to the Lawes of England.

Souldyers onely

are tryable by a Court Marshall, and none others except in cases of suddaine invasion, mutiny or rebellion

Ma tieS Lieutenants in any of his Countries of England may or ought' to exercise.

as his

As to this point there is no taxe, toledge, Impost or Custome payable upon the Planters upon the Country at present hath little other product, the Rate for publicke charges wa s agreed unto in a generall Assembly, and is now managed by the Governour his Councell and the 8 th .

Corne or Cattle

:

Justices in the Court of Assizes to that onely behoofe.

The obtaining all thes priviledges is long since recomended to his R. H. s as the next neces-

9 l h.

sary encouragement to these his Territories, whereof a good answer is expected.

10 th

.

Every man who desires to trade for ff'urs at his request hath liberty so to doe.

REPORT ON THE PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK.

ANSWERS OF GOV. ANDROS TO ENQUIRIES ABOUT NEW YORK; 1678. Lond. Doc. III. ]

[

Answers to the Inquiries of Plantacons for New Yorke. The Governo r is to have a Councill not exceeding tenn, w th whose advice to act for the safety

sary encouragement to these his Territories, whereof a good answer is expected.

10 th

.

Every man who desires to trade for ff'urs at his request hath liberty so to doe.

REPORT ON THE PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK.

ANSWERS OF GOV. ANDROS TO ENQUIRIES ABOUT NEW YORK; 1678. Lond. Doc. III. ]

[

Answers to the Inquiries of Plantacons for New Yorke. The Governo r is to have a Councill not exceeding tenn, w th whose advice to act for the safety

1.

& good of the country, & in every towne, village or parish a Petty Court, & Courts of Sessions in the on Long Island, & Townes of New Yorke, Albany k Esopus, & some smale or poore Islands & out places and the Generall court of assizes composed of the Governo & Councill & all the Justices & magistrates att New York once a yeare, the Petty courts Judge of five pounds. & then may appeale to Sessions, they to twenty pounds & then may appeale to assizes to y e Severall precints being three,

;

King, al sd courts as by Law. 2.

att

The court of Admiralty hath been by speciall comission or by the Court of Mayo r & Aldermen

New Yorke.

The chiefe Legislative power there is in the Governo 1 with advice of the Councell the executive power Judgm ts given by y e courts is in the sheriffs & other civil officers. 4. The law booke in force was made by the Governo r & Assembly att Hempsted in 1665 & since 3.

att

The court of Admiralty hath been by speciall comission or by the Court of Mayo r & Aldermen

New Yorke.

The chiefe Legislative power there is in the Governo 1 with advice of the Councell the executive power Judgm ts given by y e courts is in the sheriffs & other civil officers. 4. The law booke in force was made by the Governo r & Assembly att Hempsted in 1665 & since 3.

confirmed by his Royal Highnesse.

The Militia is about 2000 of w ch about 140 horse in three troopes the foote formed into commen each all indifferently armed with fire-armes of all sizes, ordered & excersized according to Law, and are good fire men, one standing company of Souldiers with gunners & other officers for the fforts of New York & Albany alwayes victualled in October & November for 5.

panyes, most under 100

a yeare. 6. Forteresses are James fforte seated upon a point of New Yorke towne between Hudson's River & y e Sound, its a square with stone walls, foure bastions almost regular, and in it 46 gunnes mounted & stores for service accordingly. Albany is a smale long stockadoed forte with foure bastions in it, 12 gunns, sufficient ag Indians, and lately a wooden redout & out worke at Pemaquid w th 7 gunns, l

s'd Garrisons victualled for a yeare, 7.

w th suff stores.

There are no privateers about o r Coasts.

Our Neighbours westward are Mary land populous and strong but doe not live in townes, their produce tobacco, Northwest the Maques & c Indians y e most warr like in all the Northern Parts of America, their trade beavers & furrs. Northward the ffrench of Canada trade as wee with our 8.

Albany is a smale long stockadoed forte with foure bastions in it, 12 gunns, sufficient ag Indians, and lately a wooden redout & out worke at Pemaquid w th 7 gunns, l

s'd Garrisons victualled for a yeare, 7.

w th suff stores.

There are no privateers about o r Coasts.

Our Neighbours westward are Mary land populous and strong but doe not live in townes, their produce tobacco, Northwest the Maques & c Indians y e most warr like in all the Northern Parts of America, their trade beavers & furrs. Northward the ffrench of Canada trade as wee with our 8.

.

Indians ; Eastward Connecticut in a good condicon & populous, their produce provisions of wheate, beefe &. porke, some pease, o r South bounds the Sea. 9.

Wee keepe good Correspondence with all o r neighbours as to Civill, legall or judiciall proceed& mutuall assistance w ch they nor Massachusetts will

ings, but differ with Connecticutt for o r bounds

not admitt.

Our boundaries are South, the Sea, West Delaware North to y e Lakes or ffrench East Connecticut river, but most usurped & yett possed by s'd Connecticut some Islands Eastward & a tract beyond Kennebeck River called Pemaquid, &c. New Yorke is in40 d 35 ,n Albany ab l 43<>; theCollony is in severall long narrow stripes of w ch a greate parte of the settlem 1 made by adventurers before any Regulacon by w ch Incroachm t3 without pattents w ch townes have lately taken but by reason of continuall warrs noe Survey made & [qu. of the] wildernesse, noe certaine computacon can be made of the planted and implanted, these last 2 yeares about 20,000 acres taken up and pattented for particuler persons besides Delaware, most of the land taken up except upon Long Island is improued & unlesse the bounds of the Duke's pattent be asserted noe great quantityes att hand undis10.

New Yorke is in40 d 35 ,n Albany ab l 43<>; theCollony is in severall long narrow stripes of w ch a greate parte of the settlem 1 made by adventurers before any Regulacon by w ch Incroachm t3 without pattents w ch townes have lately taken but by reason of continuall warrs noe Survey made & [qu. of the] wildernesse, noe certaine computacon can be made of the planted and implanted, these last 2 yeares about 20,000 acres taken up and pattented for particuler persons besides Delaware, most of the land taken up except upon Long Island is improued & unlesse the bounds of the Duke's pattent be asserted noe great quantityes att hand undis10.

;

;

;

posed.

.

REPORT ON THE PROVINCE OF NEW- YORK.

Our principall places of Trade are New Yorke and South'ton except Albany for the Indyans, our buildings most wood, some lately stone & brick, good country houses & strong of their severall 1 1

kindes. 12.

Wee haue about 24 townes, villiages or parishes in Six Precincts, Divisions, Rydeings, or

Courts of Sessions.

Wee haue severall Rivers, Harbours and Roades, Hudson's River the chiefest & is ab 4 fathom water att coming in butt six, tenn or more within & very good soundings & anchorage either in Hud13.

f

.

son's River or in the Sound, the usuall roade before the town and moulde. 14.

Our produce is land provisions of all sorts as of wheate exported yearly about 60000 bushells?

pease, beefe, pork, & some Refuse fish, Tobacco, beavers, peltry or furrs from the Indians, Deale

Wee haue severall Rivers, Harbours and Roades, Hudson's River the chiefest & is ab 4 fathom water att coming in butt six, tenn or more within & very good soundings & anchorage either in Hud13.

f

.

son's River or in the Sound, the usuall roade before the town and moulde. 14.

Our produce is land provisions of all sorts as of wheate exported yearly about 60000 bushells?

pease, beefe, pork, & some Refuse fish, Tobacco, beavers, peltry or furrs from the Indians, Deale

&

oake timber, plankes, pipestaues, lumber, horses, & pitch & tarr lately begunn to be made, Comodityes imported are all sorts of English manufacture for Christians & blanketts, Duffells & c

.

for Indians

about 50000 lb yearly, Pemaquid afords merchantable ffish & masts.

Wee haue noe Experience or skill of Salt Peter to be had in Quantityes. Our Merchts are not many but with inhabitants & planters about 2000, able to beare armes old inhabitants of the place or of England, Except in & neere New Yorke of Dutch Extraction & some few of all nations, but few Serv much wanted & but very few slaves. 1 5.

16.

ts

,

17.

Noe persons whateuer are to come from any place but according to act off Pari' w ch the

magistrates and officers of the severall townes or places are to take care of, accordingly the plautacon is these late yeares increased, but noe Genrall ace* hath been taken

what persons.

soe is not knowne how much nor Some few slaues are sometimes brought from Barbadoes, most for Provisions and

Our Merchts are not many but with inhabitants & planters about 2000, able to beare armes old inhabitants of the place or of England, Except in & neere New Yorke of Dutch Extraction & some few of all nations, but few Serv much wanted & but very few slaves. 1 5.

16.

ts

,

17.

Noe persons whateuer are to come from any place but according to act off Pari' w ch the

magistrates and officers of the severall townes or places are to take care of, accordingly the plautacon is these late yeares increased, but noe Genrall ace* hath been taken

what persons.

soe is not knowne how much nor Some few slaues are sometimes brought from Barbadoes, most for Provisions and

sould att a bt 30 lb or 35 lb Country pay. 18.

Ministers have been soe scarce & Religions many that noe ace 1 cann be giuen of Children's

births or christenings.

Scarcity of Ministers and Law admitting marriages by Justices, noe ace 1 cann be giuen of the 19. number marry ed. Noe ace1 cann be giuen of burialls, formes of burialls not being generally obserued & few 20.

ministers till very lately.

A merch worth 1000

is accompted a good substantial! merchant and a planter worthe halfe that in moveables accompted [rich?] with all the Estates may be valued at about

21.

lb

or 500 lb

XI 50,000. There may lately haue traded to y e Collony in a yeare from tenn to fifteen shipps or vessells of about togeather 100 tunns each, English new England and our owne built of w ch 5 small shipps 23.

A merch worth 1000

is accompted a good substantial! merchant and a planter worthe halfe that in moveables accompted [rich?] with all the Estates may be valued at about

21.

lb

or 500 lb

XI 50,000. There may lately haue traded to y e Collony in a yeare from tenn to fifteen shipps or vessells of about togeather 100 tunns each, English new England and our owne built of w ch 5 small shipps 23.

and a Ketch now belonging to New Yorke foure of them built there. Obstruccons to Improuem1 of planters, trade, Navigacon and mutuall assistance are y e dis23. tinction of Collonies for our owne produce, as if different nations and people, though next neighbours

upon the same tract of land, and His Ma tics subjects, we obserueing acts of trade & navigacon &c. Aduantages, Incouragem 4 & Improuem 1 of Planters trade & Navigacon would be more if 24. next neighbours of o r own Nation the King's subjects on the same tract of land might without distinction, supply each other with our owne produce, punctually obserueing all acts of parliam* for Exportacon & would dispose all persons the better for mutuall assistance. 25. Rates or dutyes upon Goods exported are 2 s for each hhd of Tobacco & I s 3 d on a beaver skin & other peltry proportionably, Provisions and all else paye nothing, Goods imported payes 2 per cent except Liquors particulerly rated something more, & Indian trade goeing up the river payes 3 per cent, there are some few quitt-rents, as also Excise or license monys for retaileing stronge drinke & a way house or publique Scale all applyed to y e Garrison and publique charge, to which it hath not hitherto sufficed by a greate deale. :

Rates or dutyes upon Goods exported are 2 s for each hhd of Tobacco & I s 3 d on a beaver skin & other peltry proportionably, Provisions and all else paye nothing, Goods imported payes 2 per cent except Liquors particulerly rated something more, & Indian trade goeing up the river payes 3 per cent, there are some few quitt-rents, as also Excise or license monys for retaileing stronge drinke & a way house or publique Scale all applyed to y e Garrison and publique charge, to which it hath not hitherto sufficed by a greate deale. :

REPORT ON THE PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK.

There are Religions of all sorts, one church of England, Several Presbiterians & Independents Quakers & Anabaptists of Severall sects, some Jews but presbiterians & Independ ts most numerous & 26.

Substantiall.

The Duke maintaines a chapline w ch is all the certaine allowance or Church of England, but peoples free gifts to y* Ministry, and all places oblidged to build Churches & provide for a minister, 27.

in

w rh most very wanting, but presbiterians & Independent^ desierous to have and maintaine them

if to be had,

There are ab 1 20 Churches or Meeting places of w- h aboue halfe vacant their allowance

like to be from 40 lb to 70 lb a yeare and a house and garden.

Noe Beggars but all poore cared fifor.

If good Ministers could be had to goe theither might doe well & and gaine much upon those people.

w rh most very wanting, but presbiterians & Independent^ desierous to have and maintaine them

if to be had,

There are ab 1 20 Churches or Meeting places of w- h aboue halfe vacant their allowance

like to be from 40 lb to 70 lb a yeare and a house and garden.

Noe Beggars but all poore cared fifor.

If good Ministers could be had to goe theither might doe well & and gaine much upon those people.

Endorsed

"Answers of inquiries of New-York Rec d from S r Edm. Andros on the 16 th of Ap. 1678."

--

Note. Chalmers gives in his annals what purport to be copies of these Reports, but they will be found to be rather abstracts when compared with the official MSS. which are now published in full, it is believed for the first time.

V.

PAPERS RELATING TO

M.

ire

la

Baxxt s (BxytbHion

to

JEFFERSON COUNTY.

1GS3l

^tmgrg Bag,

EXTRACT OF THE INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN BY THE KING TO M. DE LA BARRE. [Paris Doc. Vol. II.] Versailles, 10th

May, 1682.

He is equally informed that the Savages nearest adjoining to the French Settlements are the Algonquins and the Iroquois, that the latter had repeatedly troubled the peace and tranquillity of the Colonies of New France until His Majesty having waged a severe war against them, they were finally constrained to submit and to live in peace and quietness without making any incursions on the lands

But as these restless and warlike tribes cannot be kept down except by terror, and as His Majesty has even been informed by the last despatches, that the Onnontagues and Senecas Iroquois tribes have killed a Recollet and committed many other violences and that it is inhabited by the French.

He is equally informed that the Savages nearest adjoining to the French Settlements are the Algonquins and the Iroquois, that the latter had repeatedly troubled the peace and tranquillity of the Colonies of New France until His Majesty having waged a severe war against them, they were finally constrained to submit and to live in peace and quietness without making any incursions on the lands

But as these restless and warlike tribes cannot be kept down except by terror, and as His Majesty has even been informed by the last despatches, that the Onnontagues and Senecas Iroquois tribes have killed a Recollet and committed many other violences and that it is inhabited by the French.

--

--

to be feared that they will push their audacity even further ; It is very important that the said Sieur

de la Barre put himself in a condition to proceed as early as possible, with 5 or 600 of the militia most favorably situated for this expedition along the shores of Lake Frontenac at the mouth of Lake Conty, to exhibit himself to these Iroquois Settlements in a condition to restrain them within their

duty and even to attack them should they do any thing against the French, wherein he must observe that he

is

not to break with them without a very pressing necessity and an entire certitude to

promptly and advantageously finish a war that he will have undertaken against them.

He must not only apply himself to prevent the violences of the Iroquois against the French.

de la Barre put himself in a condition to proceed as early as possible, with 5 or 600 of the militia most favorably situated for this expedition along the shores of Lake Frontenac at the mouth of Lake Conty, to exhibit himself to these Iroquois Settlements in a condition to restrain them within their

duty and even to attack them should they do any thing against the French, wherein he must observe that he

is

not to break with them without a very pressing necessity and an entire certitude to

promptly and advantageously finish a war that he will have undertaken against them.

He must not only apply himself to prevent the violences of the Iroquois against the French.

He

must also endeavor to keep the Savages at peace among themselves, and prevent the Iroquois by all

means making war on the Illinois and other tribes, neighbours to them, being very certain that if these Nations whose furs, the principal trade of Canada, are destroyed, should see themselves secure

by the protection they would receive from the French, they might be so much the more excited to wear their merchandizes and will thereby increase trade.

against the violence of the Iroquois

At the meeting held the tenth October 1682, composed of M. the Governor, M. the Intendant, M. the Bishop of Quebec, M. Dollier Superior of the Seminary of St. Sulpice at Montreal, the Rev. Fathers Beschefer Superior, D'Ablon and Fremin, Jesuits, M. the Major of the City, Mess rs de Varenne Governor of the Three Rivers, de Brussy, Dalibout, Duguet, Lemoine, Ladurantais, Bizard, Chailly, Vieuxpont, Duluth, de Sorel, .

against the violence of the Iroquois

At the meeting held the tenth October 1682, composed of M. the Governor, M. the Intendant, M. the Bishop of Quebec, M. Dollier Superior of the Seminary of St. Sulpice at Montreal, the Rev. Fathers Beschefer Superior, D'Ablon and Fremin, Jesuits, M. the Major of the City, Mess rs de Varenne Governor of the Three Rivers, de Brussy, Dalibout, Duguet, Lemoine, Ladurantais, Bizard, Chailly, Vieuxpont, Duluth, de Sorel, .

Derepentigny, Berthier and Boucher. It is proposed by M. the Governor, that from the records

which M. the Count de Frontenac was him

pleased to deposit in his hands of what had passed at Montreal on the 12 Sept. last, between [Vol. I.]

DE LA BARRE'S EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY.

and the Deputy of the Onontague Iroquois, it is easy to infer that these people are inclined to follow the object of their enterprize, which is to destroy all the Nations in alliance with us, the one after the other, whilst they keep us in uncertainty and with folded arms ; so that, after having deprived us of

the entire fur trade which they wish alone to carry on with the English and Dutch established at Manate and Orange, they may attack us isolated, and ruin the Colony in obliging it to contract itself and abandon all the separate settlements, and thus arrest the cultivation of the soil which cannot

bear grain nor be cultivated as meadow except in quarters where it is of good quality.

and the Deputy of the Onontague Iroquois, it is easy to infer that these people are inclined to follow the object of their enterprize, which is to destroy all the Nations in alliance with us, the one after the other, whilst they keep us in uncertainty and with folded arms ; so that, after having deprived us of

the entire fur trade which they wish alone to carry on with the English and Dutch established at Manate and Orange, they may attack us isolated, and ruin the Colony in obliging it to contract itself and abandon all the separate settlements, and thus arrest the cultivation of the soil which cannot

bear grain nor be cultivated as meadow except in quarters where it is of good quality.

As he is not informed in the short time since his arrival from France, of the state of these tribes and of the Colony, he requests them to acquaint him with all they know of these things in order that he may inform his Majesty thereof, and represent to him the necessities of this Colony, for the purpose as well of averting this war as for terminating and finishing it advantageously should it be

Whereupon the Meeting after being informed by the Rev d Jesuit fathers of what had passed during five years among the Iroquois Nations, whence they had recently arrived, and by M. Dollier of what occurred for some years at Montreal, remained unanimously and all of one accord, that the English have omitted nothing for four years to induce the Iroquois, either by the great number of presents which they made them or by the cheapness with which they gave them provisions and especially guns, powder and lead, to declare war against us, and which the Iroquois necessary to wage it ;

Whereupon the Meeting after being informed by the Rev d Jesuit fathers of what had passed during five years among the Iroquois Nations, whence they had recently arrived, and by M. Dollier of what occurred for some years at Montreal, remained unanimously and all of one accord, that the English have omitted nothing for four years to induce the Iroquois, either by the great number of presents which they made them or by the cheapness with which they gave them provisions and especially guns, powder and lead, to declare war against us, and which the Iroquois necessary to wage it ;

have been two or three times ready to undertake ; But having reflected that, should they attack us before they had ruined in fact the allied nations, their neighbours, these would rally and, uniting together, would fall on them

and destroy their villages whilst occupied against us, they judged it

wiser to defer and amuse us whilst they were attacking those Nations, and having commenced, with that view, to attack the Illinois last year, they had so great an advantage over them that besides three

or four hundred killed, they took nine hundred of them prisoners, so that marching this year with

a corps of twelve hundred men, well armed and good warriors, there was no doubt but they would

exterminate them altogether and attack, on their return, the Miamis and the Kiskakous and by their

and the lakes Heri6 and Huron, the Bay des Puans and thereby deprive us of all the trade drawn from that country by destroying, at the same time, all the Christian Missions established among those nations and therefore it became necessary to make a last effort to prevent them ruining those Nations as they had formerly the Algonquins, the Andastez, the Loups (Mohegans), the Abenaquis and others, the remains of whom we have at the That to accomplish settlements of Sillery, Laurette, Lake Champlain and others scattered among us. that object, the state of the Colony was to be considered, and the means to be most usefully adopted against the enemy; that as to the Colony we could bring together a thousand good men, bearing arms and accustomed to manage canoes like the Iroquois, but when drawn from their settlements, it must be considered that the cultivation of the soil would be arrested during the whole period of their abdefeat render themselves masters of Missilimackina

and the lakes Heri6 and Huron, the Bay des Puans and thereby deprive us of all the trade drawn from that country by destroying, at the same time, all the Christian Missions established among those nations and therefore it became necessary to make a last effort to prevent them ruining those Nations as they had formerly the Algonquins, the Andastez, the Loups (Mohegans), the Abenaquis and others, the remains of whom we have at the That to accomplish settlements of Sillery, Laurette, Lake Champlain and others scattered among us. that object, the state of the Colony was to be considered, and the means to be most usefully adopted against the enemy; that as to the Colony we could bring together a thousand good men, bearing arms and accustomed to manage canoes like the Iroquois, but when drawn from their settlements, it must be considered that the cultivation of the soil would be arrested during the whole period of their abdefeat render themselves masters of Missilimackina

;

sence, and that it is necessary, before making them march, to have supplies of provisions necessary

in places distant from the settlements, so as to support them in the enemy's country a time sufficiently

long to effectually destroy that Nation, and to act no more by them as had been done seventeen years That we have advantages now which ago, making them partially afraid without weakening them. the French accustomed to the Woods, acquainted with all the roads through them, and the road to Fort Frontenac open to fall in forty hours on the Senecas, the strongest of the five

in places distant from the settlements, so as to support them in the enemy's country a time sufficiently

long to effectually destroy that Nation, and to act no more by them as had been done seventeen years That we have advantages now which ago, making them partially afraid without weakening them. the French accustomed to the Woods, acquainted with all the roads through them, and the road to Fort Frontenac open to fall in forty hours on the Senecas, the strongest of the five

we had not then

;

Iroquois Nations, since they alone can furnish fifteen hundred warriors, well armed ; that there must be provisions at Fort Frontenac, three or four vessels to load them and embark five hundred men

on Lake Ontario, whilst five hundred others would go in Canoes and post themselves on the Seneca shore but this expedition cannot succeed unless by His Majesty's aid with a small body of two or three hundred soldiers to serve as a garrison for Forts Frontenac and La Galette,to escort provisions ;

and keep the head of the country guarded and furnished whilst the interior would be deprived of its good soldiers a hundred or a hundred and fifty hired men, to be distributed among the settlements ;

;

6? to help those who will remain at home to cultivate the ground, in order that famine may not get into

the land ; and funds necessary to collect supplies and build two or three barks, without which and that of Sieur de Lasalle, it is impossible to undertake any thing of utility That it is a war which is :

and keep the head of the country guarded and furnished whilst the interior would be deprived of its good soldiers a hundred or a hundred and fifty hired men, to be distributed among the settlements ;

;

6? to help those who will remain at home to cultivate the ground, in order that famine may not get into

the land ; and funds necessary to collect supplies and build two or three barks, without which and that of Sieur de Lasalle, it is impossible to undertake any thing of utility That it is a war which is :

not to be commenced to be left imperfect, because knowing each other better than seventeen years a°-o, if it were to be undertaken without

finishing it the conservation of the Colony is not to be expected, the Iroquois not being apt to return.

That the failure of all aid from France had begun to

create contempt for us among the said Iroquois, who believed that we were abandoned by the great Onontio, our Master, and if they saw us assisted by him, they would, probably, change their minds

and let our allies be in peace and consent not to hunt on their grounds, or bring all their peltries to the French, which they trade at present with the English at Orange and thus by a small aid from his Majesty we could prevent war and subject these fierce and hot spirits, which would be the greatest advantage that could be procured for the Country. That notwithstanding, it was important to arm the militia and in this year of abundant harvest to oblige them to furnish guns which they could all ;

and let our allies be in peace and consent not to hunt on their grounds, or bring all their peltries to the French, which they trade at present with the English at Orange and thus by a small aid from his Majesty we could prevent war and subject these fierce and hot spirits, which would be the greatest advantage that could be procured for the Country. That notwithstanding, it was important to arm the militia and in this year of abundant harvest to oblige them to furnish guns which they could all ;

advantageously use when occasion required.

Done in the house of the Rev d Jesuit Fathers at Quebec, the day and year above stated. Compared with the original remaining in my hands. Le Fe Bure De Labarre.

FATHER LAMBERVILLE TO M. DE LA BARRE. [ Paris

Doc. II. ]

February 10, 1684.

*

#

*

*

The Governor of New York is to come, they say, next summer to the Mohawk and

speak there to the Iroquois. Mohawk to be planted there. chest of the Mohawks.

We'll see what he'll say.

He has sent a shabby ship's flag to the

This is the coat of arms of England.

This flag is still in the public

I know not when it will see day.

M. DE LA BARRE TO GOV. DONGAN. Montreal 15th June 1684. Sir

-- The unexpected attack which the Iroquois, Senecas and Cayugas have made on one of my

forts whither I had sent a gentleman of

Mohawk to be planted there. chest of the Mohawks.

We'll see what he'll say.

He has sent a shabby ship's flag to the

This is the coat of arms of England.

This flag is still in the public

I know not when it will see day.

M. DE LA BARRE TO GOV. DONGAN. Montreal 15th June 1684. Sir

-- The unexpected attack which the Iroquois, Senecas and Cayugas have made on one of my

forts whither I had sent a gentleman of

my household to withdraw Sieur de la Salle therefrom, whom

at their request to France, and the wholesale

plunder of seven French canoes laden with merchandize for the Trade, and the detention during ten days of 14 Frenchmen who were conducting

I sent

them up, and that in a time when I was in a quiet and peaceable negotiation with them, oblige me to attack them as people from whose promises we have nothing to expect but murder and treason but I did not wish to do so without advising you of it, and telling you at the same time, that the

Mohawks and Oneidas, neighbours of Albany, having done me no wrong, I intend to remain at peace with them and not attack them.

The letters which I have rec d from France inform me as does that which you were pleased to honor

me with, that our two Kings desire that we should live in Union and Fraternity together.

I shall

G8 contribute with the greatest joy, and with a punctuality with which you will be satisfied.

Mohawks and Oneidas, neighbours of Albany, having done me no wrong, I intend to remain at peace with them and not attack them.

The letters which I have rec d from France inform me as does that which you were pleased to honor

me with, that our two Kings desire that we should live in Union and Fraternity together.

I shall

G8 contribute with the greatest joy, and with a punctuality with which you will be satisfied.

I think

you can well grant me the request I make to forbid those at Albany selling any Arms, Powder or Lead to the Iroquois who attacked us and to the other tribes who may that on the present occasion

trade with them.

This proceeding alone

may intimidate them, and when they see the Christians united on this

subject they will shew them more respect than they have done hitherto. If you

have any cause of complaint against their conduct, you can advance

it

now, k I shall

consider your interests as those of my master, as soon as I shall hear from you I will answer regarding

what you may require from my ministry in a manner entirely satisfactory to you, esteeming nothing in the world more highly than the opportunity to testify to you how truly I am

Sir

Your very humble serv 1 (Signed) Le Febure de la Barre.

GOV.

DONGAN TO M. DE LA BARRE. [

r

--

rS

dated the

15 th I received

N. Y. Council Min. V. ]

consider your interests as those of my master, as soon as I shall hear from you I will answer regarding

what you may require from my ministry in a manner entirely satisfactory to you, esteeming nothing in the world more highly than the opportunity to testify to you how truly I am

Sir

Your very humble serv 1 (Signed) Le Febure de la Barre.

GOV.

DONGAN TO M. DE LA BARRE. [

r

--

rS

dated the

15 th I received

N. Y. Council Min. V. ]

New York June y« 24* 1684-

the 23 d of S. V. of this Instant ;

& am very sorry that I did not

know sooner of the misunderstanding between you and the Indians that so I might (as really I would) haue vsed all just measures to prevent it those Indians are under this Governm' as doth appeare by his R 11 High 83 his patent from his Ma*y the King of England and their submitting themselves to this Goverm 1 as is manifest by o r Records, his

R u Highnesses territories reaching as far as the River of Canada and yet notwithstanding the

people of y r Goverm* Come upon the great lake as allso on this side of both lakes, a thing which will scarcely be beleeved in England I desire you to hinder them from so doing ;

to go on your side of the lakes

and I will strictly forbidde the people of this Province

this I haue hinted that there may be no occasion, as there shall not

R u Highnesses territories reaching as far as the River of Canada and yet notwithstanding the

people of y r Goverm* Come upon the great lake as allso on this side of both lakes, a thing which will scarcely be beleeved in England I desire you to hinder them from so doing ;

to go on your side of the lakes

and I will strictly forbidde the people of this Province

this I haue hinted that there may be no occasion, as there shall not

undoubtedly of mine, to break that desirable and faire Correspondence between the two Kings our Masters

I am so heartily bent to promote the Quiet & tranquillity of this Country

& yours that I

intend forthwith to go myselfe to Albany on purpose ; and there send for the Indians, & require of

them to do what is iust in order to a satisfaction to y r pretences

;

if they will not I shall not uniustly

protect them, but do for yr Governm 1 all that can be reasonably expected from me ;

& in the mean

time to continue & preserue a good Amity between us I think it convenient & desire that no Acts of hostility be comitted, such differences are of so weighty a concerne that they are

most proper

to

be

decided at home and not by us. I do assure you S r that no body liueing hath a greater desire that there should be a strict friendsliipp

betwixt the subjects of this Goverm 1 & yours then I haue and no body more willing upon all Occasions ivstly to approue myselfle

time to continue & preserue a good Amity between us I think it convenient & desire that no Acts of hostility be comitted, such differences are of so weighty a concerne that they are

most proper

to

be

decided at home and not by us. I do assure you S r that no body liueing hath a greater desire that there should be a strict friendsliipp

betwixt the subjects of this Goverm 1 & yours then I haue and no body more willing upon all Occasions ivstly to approue myselfle

Sr

Y r humble Serv

Tho. Dongan.

.

THE SAME TO THE SAME. [

Lond. Doc. V. ] Fort Albany, July

Sir

-- came

1684.

to this town with an intention to sent for the Senequaes but was prevented by some of

their Sachims being come hither expressly to meet me.

They tell me that your Intentions are to make warr against them and they believe that you have already entered their countrey which repport I can scarcely give creditt to, after my last letter written to you.

You cannot be ignorant that those Indians are under this Goverm1 and I do assure you they have againe voluntarily given up both themselves and their lands to it, and in their application which they make to me, do offer, that if they have done anything amisse they will readily give all reasonable satisfaction.

S r I should be very sorry to hear that you invade the Duke's Territories, after so just and honest

They tell me that your Intentions are to make warr against them and they believe that you have already entered their countrey which repport I can scarcely give creditt to, after my last letter written to you.

You cannot be ignorant that those Indians are under this Goverm1 and I do assure you they have againe voluntarily given up both themselves and their lands to it, and in their application which they make to me, do offer, that if they have done anything amisse they will readily give all reasonable satisfaction.

S r I should be very sorry to hear that you invade the Duke's Territories, after so just and honest

an offer, and my promisse, that the Indians shall punctually perform whatever can be in justice required for all these injuries which you complaine they have committed. I do not doubt but that if you please, this affair may be quietly reconciled

between you and _£he

Indians, if not, as I wrote in my former, wee have Masters in Europe to whom we should properly referr.

To prevent as much as I can all the inconveniencyes that may happen. I have sent the bearer with this letter and have ordered the Coates of Armes of His Royal Highnesse the Duke of York to be put up in the Indyan Castles which may diswade you from acting anything that may create a misunderstanding between us Sir

am with all respect Most humble & affectionate Servant

Tho Dongan

(Signed)

M.

DE LA BARRE TO GOV. DONGAN. [

To prevent as much as I can all the inconveniencyes that may happen. I have sent the bearer with this letter and have ordered the Coates of Armes of His Royal Highnesse the Duke of York to be put up in the Indyan Castles which may diswade you from acting anything that may create a misunderstanding between us Sir

am with all respect Most humble & affectionate Servant

Tho Dongan

(Signed)

M.

DE LA BARRE TO GOV. DONGAN. [

Paris Doc. II.

;

Lond. Doc. V. ]

Camp at Lachine, 24 July 1684. Sir

-- was much astonished by the receipt of your two

letters of the fifth of July,

New Stile,

seeing one in French written by you, which I knew came from you as from friend to friend, and that

written in English which I knew came from your Council and not from people disposed to maintain the union of our two Kings.

you to advise you of the vengeance which I was about to wreak for the insult inflicted on the Christian name by the Senecas and Cayugas,and you answer me about pretensions to the possessions of lands of which neither you nor I are judges, but our two Kings who have I sent Sieur Bourbon to

sent us, and of which there is no question at present, having no thought of conquering countries but of making the Christian name and the French people to be respected, in which I will spill the last drop of

my blood

you to advise you of the vengeance which I was about to wreak for the insult inflicted on the Christian name by the Senecas and Cayugas,and you answer me about pretensions to the possessions of lands of which neither you nor I are judges, but our two Kings who have I sent Sieur Bourbon to

sent us, and of which there is no question at present, having no thought of conquering countries but of making the Christian name and the French people to be respected, in which I will spill the last drop of

my blood

I have great esteem for your person, and considerable desire to preserve the honor of his Brittannick Majesty's good graces as well as those of my Lord the Duke of York, and I even believe that they will greatly appreciate my chastisement of those who insult you and capture you every day as they have done this winter in Merilande. But if I was so unfortunate as that you desired to protect robbers, assassins and traitors, I could not distinguish their protector from themselves.

I pray you,

which I give Sieur de Salvaye to explain everything to you and, wish your services as their intecessor to take security from them, not in Cayugas if the Senecas and the Indian but in the European fashion, without which and the honor of hearing from you, I shall attack them towards the 20 th of the month of August, New Stile. then, to attach faith to the credit

But if I was so unfortunate as that you desired to protect robbers, assassins and traitors, I could not distinguish their protector from themselves.

I pray you,

which I give Sieur de Salvaye to explain everything to you and, wish your services as their intecessor to take security from them, not in Cayugas if the Senecas and the Indian but in the European fashion, without which and the honor of hearing from you, I shall attack them towards the 20 th of the month of August, New Stile. then, to attach faith to the credit

;

Sir

Your very humble Servant Le Febure de la Barre.

[

Par. Doc. II. ;

Lond. Doc. V. ]

INSTRUCTIONS WHICH SIEUR DE LA BARRE KING'S COUNCILLOR IN HIS COUNCILS, GOVERNOR & HIS LIEUTENANTG ENERAL IN ALL THE COUNTRIES OF NEW FRANCE AND ACADIA, GIVES TO SIEUR DE SALVAYE HIS AMBASSADOR TO COLONEL DONGAN, GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK, TO EXPLAIN TO HIM THE UNFAITHFULNESS AND VIOLENCES COMMITTED BY THE SENECAS AND CAYUGAS AGAINST THE FRENCH.

He is, in the first place, to make known to him the quarter where the pillage of the seven canoes was perpetrated, and that it is more than 400 leagues distant from here and an equal distance, at least, Southwest from Albany, in the 39 th or 40 th degree. That the place has been occupied over 25 years by the French who there established Catholic Missions of the Jesuit Fathers, and traded there (on fait la traitte) since that time, without the English having ever known, or spoken of, that country. That the question is not about the country of the Iroquois, nor the Eastern shores of Lake Erie. That the Iroquois having lived, previous to the arrival of M. de la Barre, with little consideration for the French, he was desirous to speak with them, to see if they were friends or foes, and for that purpose they were all assembled at Montreal last August where every thing was arranged on a friendly basis even the Senecas and Cayugas had demanded the said Sieur de la Barre to withdraw Sieur de la Salle from the government of Fort St.

That the Iroquois having lived, previous to the arrival of M. de la Barre, with little consideration for the French, he was desirous to speak with them, to see if they were friends or foes, and for that purpose they were all assembled at Montreal last August where every thing was arranged on a friendly basis even the Senecas and Cayugas had demanded the said Sieur de la Barre to withdraw Sieur de la Salle from the government of Fort St. Louis, in Illinois which he caused to be done and had the said Sieur de la Salle sent to France in the month of last November. That notwithstanding this, and all the protestations they had made, a band of 200 warriors, Senecas and Cayugas having met in the month of March of this year, seven canoes manned by 14 Frenchmen, with fifteen or sixteen thousand pounds of Merchandize, who were going to trade with the Scious, towards the Southwest, pillaged them and took them prisoners, without any resistance from the said Frenchmen, who considered them as friends, and after having detained them nine days, with thousands of taunts and insults, released them without having given them either arms or canoes for provisions and to cross the rivers. After which the said Iroquois went and attacked Fort St. Louis, where Sieur Chevalier de Blangy was in the place of said Sieur de la Salle who had been withdrawn at their request. Having made three assaults and been vigorously repulsed, they withdrew from before the said Fort the 29^ of said month of March. ;

That notwithstanding this, and all the protestations they had made, a band of 200 warriors, Senecas and Cayugas having met in the month of March of this year, seven canoes manned by 14 Frenchmen, with fifteen or sixteen thousand pounds of Merchandize, who were going to trade with the Scious, towards the Southwest, pillaged them and took them prisoners, without any resistance from the said Frenchmen, who considered them as friends, and after having detained them nine days, with thousands of taunts and insults, released them without having given them either arms or canoes for provisions and to cross the rivers. After which the said Iroquois went and attacked Fort St. Louis, where Sieur Chevalier de Blangy was in the place of said Sieur de la Salle who had been withdrawn at their request. Having made three assaults and been vigorously repulsed, they withdrew from before the said Fort the 29^ of said month of March. ;

;

.

DE LA BARRE's EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY.

That Sieur de la Barre having seen these acts of hostility committed in time of established peace and which Teganeout their Ambassador was coming to him to confirm, he might have adopted two

and the other to wage war against them, not being able

courses, one to detain the said ambassador,

to endure a treachery of that description against the Christian name and French Nation.

That, things being in this condition, he could not believe that Colonel Dongan would interfere therein in any way, if it were not to unite with him in destroying these traitors and Infidels.

That Sieur de la Barre having seen these acts of hostility committed in time of established peace and which Teganeout their Ambassador was coming to him to confirm, he might have adopted two

and the other to wage war against them, not being able

courses, one to detain the said ambassador,

to endure a treachery of that description against the Christian name and French Nation.

That, things being in this condition, he could not believe that Colonel Dongan would interfere therein in any way, if it were not to unite with him in destroying these traitors and Infidels.

That the Mohawks and Oneidas, neighbours of Albany, have no part in all

this war, and that he

has envoys at Onontague to see if they will take a part.

That his troops being assembled and on the march, he cannot postpone attacking the Senecas unless

by losing the campaign. That in despatches dated the 5 th of August last, the King his master was pleased to communicate

him the information which he had received from the King of England, of the appointment of Colonel Dongan as Governor of New York, with express orders to maintain good understanding and

to

correspondence with said Sieur de la Barre, who, on that account, could have no idea that he had

any intention to protect a treachery and injustice similar to that committed by villains on Frenchmen.

Done at the Camp of Lachine the 24th July 1684.

Le febure de la Barre.

Signed,

And lower down by

him the information which he had received from the King of England, of the appointment of Colonel Dongan as Governor of New York, with express orders to maintain good understanding and

to

correspondence with said Sieur de la Barre, who, on that account, could have no idea that he had

any intention to protect a treachery and injustice similar to that committed by villains on Frenchmen.

Done at the Camp of Lachine the 24th July 1684.

Le febure de la Barre.

Signed,

And lower down by

M. Regnaut.

GOV.

DONGAN TO M. DE LA BARRE. [

It is

Lond. Doc. V. ]

not intended that I will justify the wrong the Indians have done to the French so farr

to the southwest as 400 leagues

from Mont Royall or in any other place whatsoever, though in all

probability if we were to dispute these countreys so farr to the south west are more likely to be ours

than the French, haveing English Colonies much nearer them.

The pretences you make to that countrey by your 25 years possession, and sending Jesuits amongst them are very slender, and it may bee, you may have the same to other countries as for 2.

may bee it gives no right or title, and it is a wonder that the English who so well know America should neither hear nor see in a long time the treaty you speak of 3. But if the matter in debate bee not concerning the land on the side of the lake of Canida, it is desired to know what it is concerning since the Indians offer to give satisfaction for what injuries can be prooved to be comitted by them as they say they have formerly done in such cases, and if they do not I never promised them any countenance from this government.

may bee it gives no right or title, and it is a wonder that the English who so well know America should neither hear nor see in a long time the treaty you speak of 3. But if the matter in debate bee not concerning the land on the side of the lake of Canida, it is desired to know what it is concerning since the Indians offer to give satisfaction for what injuries can be prooved to be comitted by them as they say they have formerly done in such cases, and if they do not I never promised them any countenance from this government. I wonder that Mons r de la Barr should send for any Indians who ouned themselves under this Government to know whether they were friends or ennemies, since this Government at that time and at this present hath enjoyed for aught I know a full and perfect peace with the Government of Canida as for the case of La Salle I am not concerned in it but wonder you should send him to Jesuits living amongst them, how charitable soever it

great

;

France upon the bare complaint of the Indians

As for the injuries, affronts, insolencyes and robberyes committed by the Indians upon the French, I have earnestly pressed them to make a submission and satisfaction, and that out of a true consideration of the misseryes that may happen by having a warr with such Savages.

DE LA BARRE's EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY.

I wonder that Mons r de la Barr should send for any Indians who ouned themselves under this Government to know whether they were friends or ennemies, since this Government at that time and at this present hath enjoyed for aught I know a full and perfect peace with the Government of Canida as for the case of La Salle I am not concerned in it but wonder you should send him to Jesuits living amongst them, how charitable soever it

great

;

France upon the bare complaint of the Indians

As for the injuries, affronts, insolencyes and robberyes committed by the Indians upon the French, I have earnestly pressed them to make a submission and satisfaction, and that out of a true consideration of the misseryes that may happen by having a warr with such Savages.

DE LA BARRE's EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY.

I could heartily wish that the Sieur de la Barre had sooner given

me notice of the act of hostility

had detained Taganeout there Ambassadour, or made warr against them, that I might have used all just methods to prevent a warr that may be destructive to either party-- That the Governor of Canida does very well in believing what truly he ought that I will not there was a interest myselfe in any manner to countenance such villanyes and if I did not think them against joyne to be willing would middle way to compose that difference myselfe, I no share in that warr, I am glad you asured me that the neighbourghing Indians to Albany have but I am sorry the troops are in soe great forwardness, that if my former advice had bin taken, there before he

had detained Taganeout there Ambassadour, or made warr against them, that I might have used all just methods to prevent a warr that may be destructive to either party-- That the Governor of Canida does very well in believing what truly he ought that I will not there was a interest myselfe in any manner to countenance such villanyes and if I did not think them against joyne to be willing would middle way to compose that difference myselfe, I no share in that warr, I am glad you asured me that the neighbourghing Indians to Albany have but I am sorry the troops are in soe great forwardness, that if my former advice had bin taken, there before he

had been no absolute necessity to attaque the Indians or loose the campaigne. That it is very true, I ought to have a good correspondence with the Sieur de la Barr, and it is not nor ever shall be my fault if I have not, and I againe must tell you that I have no thought or inchnation to protect any villany whatsoever.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER ADDRESSED BY LOUIS XIV. TO MONSIEUR DE LA BARRE, THE 21st

JULY, 1684.

[Paris Doc. II.]

Monsieur De la barre th June last, the resolution you have taken to attack the IroI have seen by your letters of the 5 to it, and though it is a grave misfortune for the Colony of moved you which reasons quois, and the

New France which will interrupt the trade of my subjects and divert them from the cultivation of the land and expose them to frequent insults on the part of the Iroquois Savages, who can frequently surprize them in distant settlements, without your being even in a state to succor

Monsieur De la barre th June last, the resolution you have taken to attack the IroI have seen by your letters of the 5 to it, and though it is a grave misfortune for the Colony of moved you which reasons quois, and the

New France which will interrupt the trade of my subjects and divert them from the cultivation of the land and expose them to frequent insults on the part of the Iroquois Savages, who can frequently surprize them in distant settlements, without your being even in a state to succor

them

;

do not

your adoption of that resolution since, by the insult they offered the fifteen Frenchmen whom they pillaged, and the attack on Fort St. Louis, you have had reason to believe that they seriously intended declaring war, and as I wish to place you in a position to sustain it, and

hesitate to approve

bring it to a speedy termination, I have given orders for equipping the Ship L'Emerillon, on board

which I have caused to be embarked three hundred soldiers quartered in the ports of Brest and Rochefort with the number of Officers and Marines contained in the lists which you will find annexed, and this reinforcement with that sent to you by the last vessels from Rochelle, and which you have learned from my preceding letters, will furnish you means to fight advantageously, and to destroy utterly those people, or at least to place them in a state, after having punished them for their insolence, to receive peace on the conditions which you will impose on them. You must observe as regards this war that even though you prosecute it with advantage, if you do not find means to wage it promptly, it will not the less cause the ruin of the colony, the people of

which I have caused to be embarked three hundred soldiers quartered in the ports of Brest and Rochefort with the number of Officers and Marines contained in the lists which you will find annexed, and this reinforcement with that sent to you by the last vessels from Rochelle, and which you have learned from my preceding letters, will furnish you means to fight advantageously, and to destroy utterly those people, or at least to place them in a state, after having punished them for their insolence, to receive peace on the conditions which you will impose on them. You must observe as regards this war that even though you prosecute it with advantage, if you do not find means to wage it promptly, it will not the less cause the ruin of the colony, the people of

which cannot subsist in the continual disquietude of being attacked by the Savages, and in the impossibility in which they find themselves of applying themselves to trade and the cultivation of their farms.

Therefore whatever advantage you may derive for the glory of my arms and the entire

destruction of the Savages by the continuation of this war, you ought to prefer peace which restoring

quietness to my subjects will place you in a condition to increase the Colony by the

means pointed

out to you in my preceding letters. I write to my ambassador in England to procure orders from the Duke of York to prevent him who commands at Baston assisting the Savages with troops, arms or ammunition, and I have reason

destruction of the Savages by the continuation of this war, you ought to prefer peace which restoring

quietness to my subjects will place you in a condition to increase the Colony by the

means pointed

out to you in my preceding letters. I write to my ambassador in England to procure orders from the Duke of York to prevent him who commands at Baston assisting the Savages with troops, arms or ammunition, and I have reason

to believe that orders will be despatched as soon as representations on

my part will have been made.

DE LA BARRE'S EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY.

am very glad to tell you that from every thing I learn of what has occurred in Canada, the fault

which you committed in not punctually executing my orders relative to the number of twenty-five licenses to be granted to my subjects, and the great number you have sent on all sides, in order to favor persons belonging to yourself, appears to me to have been the principal cause of what has happened on the part of the Iroquois. I hope you will repair this fault by giving a prompt and glorious

***********

termination to this war.

It appears to

me also that one of the principal causes of the war arises from one Du Lhut having

caused two Iroquois to be killed who had assassinated two Frenchmen in Lake Superior, and you sufficiently see how much this man's voyage, which cannot produce any advantage to the Colony, and

which you committed in not punctually executing my orders relative to the number of twenty-five licenses to be granted to my subjects, and the great number you have sent on all sides, in order to favor persons belonging to yourself, appears to me to have been the principal cause of what has happened on the part of the Iroquois. I hope you will repair this fault by giving a prompt and glorious

***********

termination to this war.

It appears to

me also that one of the principal causes of the war arises from one Du Lhut having

caused two Iroquois to be killed who had assassinated two Frenchmen in Lake Superior, and you sufficiently see how much this man's voyage, which cannot produce any advantage to the Colony, and

which was permitted only in the interest of some private persons, has contributed to disturb the repose of the Colony.

As it concerns the good of my service to diminish as much as possible the number of the Iroquois, and as these Savages who are stout and robust, will, moreover, serve with advantage in my galleys, I wish you to do every thing in your power to make a great number of them prisoners of war, and

***********

that you have them shipped by every opportunity which will offer for their removal to France. I desire likewise that you leave Fort Frontenac in the possession of Sieur de la Salle or those who

are there for him, and that

you do nothing in opposition to the interest of that man whom I take

As it concerns the good of my service to diminish as much as possible the number of the Iroquois, and as these Savages who are stout and robust, will, moreover, serve with advantage in my galleys, I wish you to do every thing in your power to make a great number of them prisoners of war, and

***********

that you have them shipped by every opportunity which will offer for their removal to France. I desire likewise that you leave Fort Frontenac in the possession of Sieur de la Salle or those who

are there for him, and that

you do nothing in opposition to the interest of that man whom I take

under my specialjprotection.

MEMOIR OF M. DE LA BARRE WHAT HAD OCCURRED AND HAD BEEN DONE REGARDING THE WAR AGAINST THE SENECAS.

AS TO

[Paris Doc. II.]

Having been obliged to leave early in June, in conformity to the resolution adopted by the Intendant, the Bishop, the heads of the country and myself, to wage war against the Senecas for having, in cold blood, pillaged seven latter to the

hundred canoes belonging to Frenchmen

;

arrested and detained the

number of fourteen, as prisoners for nine days, and finally attacked Fort. St. Louis of

the Illinois, where the Chevalier de Bangy gallantly defended himself, and having resolved, at the

same time, to seize Teganeout,one of their chiefs and his twelve companions who had come to ratify the peace made last year, who left their country before they heard of this attack, which circumstance

Having been obliged to leave early in June, in conformity to the resolution adopted by the Intendant, the Bishop, the heads of the country and myself, to wage war against the Senecas for having, in cold blood, pillaged seven latter to the

hundred canoes belonging to Frenchmen

;

arrested and detained the

number of fourteen, as prisoners for nine days, and finally attacked Fort. St. Louis of

the Illinois, where the Chevalier de Bangy gallantly defended himself, and having resolved, at the

same time, to seize Teganeout,one of their chiefs and his twelve companions who had come to ratify the peace made last year, who left their country before they heard of this attack, which circumstance

would oblige me not to treat them ill, but merely to secure their persons, we considered three things First, to endeavour to divide the Iroquois among themselves, and for this purpose, to send persons expressly to communicate my sentiments to the Rev d Jesuit Fathers who are Missionaries there and to request them to act; the second, to send to the Outaouacs to engage our French to come to my assistance by the South, by Lake Erie and to bring as many as they could of the Savages, our alhes and thirdly, to advise Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York of what we were obliged to do, whilst at the same time I would throw a considerable reinforcement of men into Fort Frontenac to secure it. Being arrived at Montreal the tenth of the said month, we sent for Mr. Dollier, Superior of the Seminary of said town and of the Mission to the Indians of the Mountain, and the Reverend Pere Briare, Superior of the Mission of the Sault Saint Louis, who having concurred with

would oblige me not to treat them ill, but merely to secure their persons, we considered three things First, to endeavour to divide the Iroquois among themselves, and for this purpose, to send persons expressly to communicate my sentiments to the Rev d Jesuit Fathers who are Missionaries there and to request them to act; the second, to send to the Outaouacs to engage our French to come to my assistance by the South, by Lake Erie and to bring as many as they could of the Savages, our alhes and thirdly, to advise Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York of what we were obliged to do, whilst at the same time I would throw a considerable reinforcement of men into Fort Frontenac to secure it. Being arrived at Montreal the tenth of the said month, we sent for Mr. Dollier, Superior of the Seminary of said town and of the Mission to the Indians of the Mountain, and the Reverend Pere Briare, Superior of the Mission of the Sault Saint Louis, who having concurred with

necessary

:

;

us, furnished seven Christian Iroquois, friendly to the

[Vol.

I.]

French and pretty shrewd, two of whom we

DE LA BARRE'S EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY.

sent with some Belts of

Wampum to the Mohawks, and two to the Oneidas, to say to them that we

were resolved to observe the peace made with them

--that we were very willing

to live there as with

friends, and that we requested them not to interfere in the war which we were about to wage against

[Vol.

I.]

French and pretty shrewd, two of whom we

DE LA BARRE'S EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY.

sent with some Belts of

Wampum to the Mohawks, and two to the Oneidas, to say to them that we

were resolved to observe the peace made with them

--that we were very willing

to live there as with

friends, and that we requested them not to interfere in the war which we were about to wage against

the Senecas, who had cruelty insulted us in the person of the frenchmen whom they had plundered

and seized, and fort St. Louis winch they had attacked, since, and in violation of the peace made last we sent the three others to Onontague to explain the same things, and finally I despatched Sieurs Guillet and Hebert to the Outaouacs to advise Sieurs Ladurantaye and Dulhut of year at Montreal

;

my design and of the need I had of their assistance, and sent my orders to the Rev. Father Enjalran, Superior of said Missions, to operate there and send orders to different quarters according to his

usual zeal and capacity, whilst I despatched Sieur Bourbon to Orange or Manatte to notify Colonel

Dongan of the insult the French had received from the Senecas, which obliged me to march against them, of which I gave him notice, assuring him that if he wished to revenge the twenty-six Englishmen of Merilande, whom they had killed last winter, I woidd promise him that I would unite my forces to Ins, that he may obtain satisfaction for it, or avenge them. I next despatched Sieur Dutast, first captain of the King's troops, on the twentieth of the same month with five or six picked soldiers and six mechanics, carpenters and masons, with provisions and ammunition of war to throw themselves into Fort Frontenac and put it, in all haste, beyond insult; after which, having caused all to embark at la Chine, I proceeded from Montreal, on St.

Dongan of the insult the French had received from the Senecas, which obliged me to march against them, of which I gave him notice, assuring him that if he wished to revenge the twenty-six Englishmen of Merilande, whom they had killed last winter, I woidd promise him that I would unite my forces to Ins, that he may obtain satisfaction for it, or avenge them. I next despatched Sieur Dutast, first captain of the King's troops, on the twentieth of the same month with five or six picked soldiers and six mechanics, carpenters and masons, with provisions and ammunition of war to throw themselves into Fort Frontenac and put it, in all haste, beyond insult; after which, having caused all to embark at la Chine, I proceeded from Montreal, on St. John's day, to return to Quebec were I had requested the Intendant to make out the detachments of Militia which should follow me to the war, without inconvenience to the Country I arrived there on the twenty-sixth, having used great diligence on the route, and found the people ordered and some canoes purchased but as they were not sufficient for the embarcation of all, we caused fifteen ;

;

flat (bottomed) pine

batteaux, suitable for the conveyance, each, of fourteen or fifteen men, to be constructed in a hurry. I divided all

my small force into three divisions, I placed myself at the head of the first which I

commanded to lead the van.

I left the management of the second to Mr. D'Orvilliers, antient Captain

John's day, to return to Quebec were I had requested the Intendant to make out the detachments of Militia which should follow me to the war, without inconvenience to the Country I arrived there on the twenty-sixth, having used great diligence on the route, and found the people ordered and some canoes purchased but as they were not sufficient for the embarcation of all, we caused fifteen ;

;

flat (bottomed) pine

batteaux, suitable for the conveyance, each, of fourteen or fifteen men, to be constructed in a hurry. I divided all

my small force into three divisions, I placed myself at the head of the first which I

commanded to lead the van.

I left the management of the second to Mr. D'Orvilliers, antient Captain

of Infantry ; the third being composed of troops from the Island of Montreal and the environs, was

commanded by Sieur Dugue, antient Captain of Carignan. fore part of spring, reconnoitering Lake Ontario

Sieur D'Orvilliers had been, since the and the Seneca Country, to see where the descent

should be made and in what direction we should march to their two principal villages, of which he had made a faithful and exact plan. I selected as Major of the Brigade which I commanded, Sieur

de Villebon-Beccancour, formerly Captain of the King's Dragoons, so that acting in

was obliged to have an eye to all, I could confide in liim

;

my place, as I

he succeeded with all possible diligence

and experience. I left Quebec the ninth of July, at the head of Three hundred militiamen, accompanied by the said

should be made and in what direction we should march to their two principal villages, of which he had made a faithful and exact plan. I selected as Major of the Brigade which I commanded, Sieur

de Villebon-Beccancour, formerly Captain of the King's Dragoons, so that acting in

was obliged to have an eye to all, I could confide in liim

;

my place, as I

he succeeded with all possible diligence

and experience. I left Quebec the ninth of July, at the head of Three hundred militiamen, accompanied by the said

Sieur de Villebon, and arrived at Montreal the 16th, where I was joined by Sieur D'Orvilliers on the twenty-first,

who brought me, in addition to two hundred and fifty militia, batteaux to embark the

King's troops. Thus after having issued every possible order for the conveyance of provisions, in which I had much difficulty in consequence of the scarcity of canoes and of experienced persons to

conduct them in the portages of the Rapids, I detached Sieur de Villebon to take the lead with my

them to pass the first and second portages, where I should join them, so that on the thirtieth I passed their encampment beyond the said second portage, and we marched next day, both brigades together, Sieur D'Orvilliers bringing up the rear with the third one day behind us, so that being, on the 1 st of August in Lake St. Francis with about two hundred canoes and our fifteen batteaux, I was joined there by the Rev. Father Lamberville, Junior, coming on behalf of his Brother from Onontague, and by the Rev. Father Millet, brigade, and the two companies of King's troops, and ordered

them to pass the first and second portages, where I should join them, so that on the thirtieth I passed their encampment beyond the said second portage, and we marched next day, both brigades together, Sieur D'Orvilliers bringing up the rear with the third one day behind us, so that being, on the 1 st of August in Lake St. Francis with about two hundred canoes and our fifteen batteaux, I was joined there by the Rev. Father Lamberville, Junior, coming on behalf of his Brother from Onontague, and by the Rev. Father Millet, brigade, and the two companies of King's troops, and ordered

from the Oneidas.

DE LA BARRE's EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY.

By the annexed letters from Onontagu6, you will learn that these people having been joined by the Oneidas and Cayugas, had obliged the Senecas to make them Mediators as to the reparation suitable to be made to me for the insult winch had unfortunately been committed against the French in the month of March and prayed me to send Mr. le Moine to them, with whom they could terminate ;

this affair.

This obliged me immediately to despatch a canoe to Port Frontenac in all haste, to send

me from there the new bark which I had built in the winter, in order to freight her with the provisions I brought, and to send the canoes in which they were loaded to fetch others from la Chine.

We arrived on the second, at the Portage of the Long Sault, which I found very difficult, notwithfifty men ahead thither, to cut the trees on the bank of the river and prevented those passing who were to drag the canoes and batteaux because the stream being

me from there the new bark which I had built in the winter, in order to freight her with the provisions I brought, and to send the canoes in which they were loaded to fetch others from la Chine.

We arrived on the second, at the Portage of the Long Sault, which I found very difficult, notwithfifty men ahead thither, to cut the trees on the bank of the river and prevented those passing who were to drag the canoes and batteaux because the stream being

standing the care I taken to send

;

voluminous and the bank precipitous the people were in the water the moment they abandoned the shore, and were not strong enough to draw said batteaux'; this necessitated my sojourn at that place, where having been joined by the Christian Iroquois of the Sault and of Montreal, they undertook, for a few presents of Brandy and Tobacco, to pass the said batteaux and the largest canoes, which they fortunately accomplished in two days without any accident. On the morning of the fifth I found the new bark arrived at La Galette where I had all the provisions discharged from the canoes before eight o'clock in the morning, and these despatched at the same time on their return to la Chine to reload there. The strong winds from the South West, which constantly prevailed all tins time, and which obstinately continued during the remainder of the month, were the cause of the great diligence that the bark had made, and likewise delayed our march so much, that I could not arrive, at the fort, with my canoes alone until the ninth. I was joined there

On the morning of the fifth I found the new bark arrived at La Galette where I had all the provisions discharged from the canoes before eight o'clock in the morning, and these despatched at the same time on their return to la Chine to reload there. The strong winds from the South West, which constantly prevailed all tins time, and which obstinately continued during the remainder of the month, were the cause of the great diligence that the bark had made, and likewise delayed our march so much, that I could not arrive, at the fort, with my canoes alone until the ninth. I was joined there

by Father de Lamberville whom I despatched next day to his brother at Onnontague whom I instructed to assure those of that Nation that I had so much respect for their request and for those

of the other two, that I should prefer their mediation to war, provided they made me a reasonable satisfaction.

Three things obliged me to adopt this resolution the first, because it appeared by letters I had received from Colonel Dongan, in answer to the message by the man named Bourbon, that he was :

very far from the good understanding of which His Majesty had assured me ; but much disposed to interfere as our enemy in this matter.

The second, because I had few provisions, and I did not see

that any effort was made to forward flour to me, with any diligence, from Montreal

;

Three things obliged me to adopt this resolution the first, because it appeared by letters I had received from Colonel Dongan, in answer to the message by the man named Bourbon, that he was :

very far from the good understanding of which His Majesty had assured me ; but much disposed to interfere as our enemy in this matter.

The second, because I had few provisions, and I did not see

that any effort was made to forward flour to me, with any diligence, from Montreal

;

and the third,

because the wind prevailed so strong from the South east, that my bark did not return from La Galette, and I could not despatch another to Lake Ontario, to notify the army of the South, which

was to arrive forthwith at Niagara, of my arrival at Fort Frontenac with that of the North. I afterwards reviewed all our troops, as annexed, and Sieur le Moine having overtaken me on the same day with the remainder of the Christian Iroquois who had not previously arrived, I despatched

him on the sixteenth to Onnontague and placed in his hands, Tegancourt, the ambassador from the Senecas, whom I had arrested at Quebec.

Seeing the wind always contrary I sent on the preceding day, eight of the largest canoes that I had to the bark at La Galette to bring me ten thousand weight of flour, bread beginning to fail which caused me a good deal of uneasiness and created considerable

murmurs among the troops and the militia. Finally on the 21 st my canoes arrived with what I sent them for. I set to work immediately with all possible diligence to have bread and biscuit baked, and sent off forthwith, the King's troops, D'Orvilliers'

Seeing the wind always contrary I sent on the preceding day, eight of the largest canoes that I had to the bark at La Galette to bring me ten thousand weight of flour, bread beginning to fail which caused me a good deal of uneasiness and created considerable

murmurs among the troops and the militia. Finally on the 21 st my canoes arrived with what I sent them for. I set to work immediately with all possible diligence to have bread and biscuit baked, and sent off forthwith, the King's troops, D'Orvilliers'

and Dugu6's two brigades, and two hundred

Christian savages to encamp at

La Famine [Hungry bay], a post favorable for fishing and hunting and four leagues from Onontague, so as to be nearer the enemy and to be able to refresh our troops by fishing and the chase, whilst we were short of provisions, intending to join them, myself, with about three hundred Frenchmen whom I had remaining.

On the 25 th the canoes which I had detached from La Galette to Montreal, arrived, but in far less number than I had looked for, and brought me but eight or nine thousand weight of flour, instead of twenty thousand which I expected, having left them ready for loading when I departed. I caused bread and biscuit to be immediately made of it for the support of our troops^who were at the place called La Famine. On the 27 th at four o'clock in the afternoon, a canoe of M. Lemoine's men arrived from Onnontague with Tegancourt who reported to me, that the Onnontagu6s had received orders from Col.

On the 25 th the canoes which I had detached from La Galette to Montreal, arrived, but in far less number than I had looked for, and brought me but eight or nine thousand weight of flour, instead of twenty thousand which I expected, having left them ready for loading when I departed. I caused bread and biscuit to be immediately made of it for the support of our troops^who were at the place called La Famine. On the 27 th at four o'clock in the afternoon, a canoe of M. Lemoine's men arrived from Onnontague with Tegancourt who reported to me, that the Onnontagu6s had received orders from Col.

Dongan which he sent by the person named Arnaud, forbidding them to enter into any treaty with me without his express permission, considering them the Duke of York's subjects, and that he had caused the Arms of the said Duke to be planted three days before, in their village ; that the Council

had been convened at the said place of Onontague and Sieur Lemoine invited to repair thither, in which the matter having been debated, these savages got into a furious rage, with some danger to the English delegate, saying they were free, and that God, who had created the Earth, had granted them theirs without subjecting them to any person, and they requested the elder Father Lamberville to write to Colonel Dongan the annexed letter, and the said Sieur Lemoine having well sustained the French interests, they unanimously resolved to start in two days, to conclude with me at La Famine. On the receipt of this news I immediately called out my canoes in order to depart and was accompanied by a dozen of others, having caused six of the largest to be loaded with bread and biscuit for the army.

had been convened at the said place of Onontague and Sieur Lemoine invited to repair thither, in which the matter having been debated, these savages got into a furious rage, with some danger to the English delegate, saying they were free, and that God, who had created the Earth, had granted them theirs without subjecting them to any person, and they requested the elder Father Lamberville to write to Colonel Dongan the annexed letter, and the said Sieur Lemoine having well sustained the French interests, they unanimously resolved to start in two days, to conclude with me at La Famine. On the receipt of this news I immediately called out my canoes in order to depart and was accompanied by a dozen of others, having caused six of the largest to be loaded with bread and biscuit for the army.

After having been beaten by bad weather and high wind, we arrived in two days at

La Famine.

I found there tertian and double tertian fever which broke out among our people so that more than

one hundred and fifty men were attacked by it ; I had also left some of them at the fort, which caused

me to despatch, on arriving, a Christian savage to Onontague to M. Lemoine, to request him to cause the instant departure of those who were to come to meet me, which he did with so much diligence though he and

his children were sick, that

he arrived as early as the third of September with fourteen Deputies ; nine from Onontague, three from Oneida and two Cayugas, who paid me their respects

one hundred and fifty men were attacked by it ; I had also left some of them at the fort, which caused

me to despatch, on arriving, a Christian savage to Onontague to M. Lemoine, to request him to cause the instant departure of those who were to come to meet me, which he did with so much diligence though he and

his children were sick, that

he arrived as early as the third of September with fourteen Deputies ; nine from Onontague, three from Oneida and two Cayugas, who paid me their respects

and whom I entertained the best manner I was able, postponing until the morrow morning the talk about business, at which matters were fully discussed and peace concluded after six hours deliberation, three in the morning and as many after dinner, Father Brias speaking for us and Hotrehonati and Garagonkier for the Iroquois

;

Tegancout, a Seneca present, the other Senecas not daring to come

in order not to displease Col. Dongan, who sent to promise them a reinforcement of four hundred

horse and four hundred foot, if we attacked them. conditions annexed, vicinity ;

The treaty was concluded in the evening on the and I promised to decamp the next day and withdraw my troops from their

which I was, indeed, obliged to do by the number of sick which had augmented to such a it was with difficulty I found enough of persons in health to remove the sick to the

degree that

canoes, besides the scarcity of provisions having no more than the

horse and four hundred foot, if we attacked them. conditions annexed, vicinity ;

The treaty was concluded in the evening on the and I promised to decamp the next day and withdraw my troops from their

which I was, indeed, obliged to do by the number of sick which had augmented to such a it was with difficulty I found enough of persons in health to remove the sick to the

degree that

canoes, besides the scarcity of provisions having no more than the

trifle of bread

which I brought

them. allowed the Onontagues to light the Council

fire at this post without extinguishing that at Montreal, in order to be entitled to take possession of it by their consent when the King should desire it and thereby exclude the English and Col. Dongan from their pretensions.

On leaving the Fort I had ordered one of the barks to go to Niagara to notify the army of the South to return by Lake Erie towards Missilimakinack. She had a favorable passage found it ;

arrived only six hours previously to the number of seven hundred men, viz : one hundred and fifty

French and the remainder Indians. I departed on the sixth, having had all the sick of

my troops embarked before day (so as not to be

seen by the Indians) to the number of one hundred and

fifty canoes

and twelve flat batteaux and

arrived in the evening of the same day at Fort Frontenac, where I found one hundred and ten men

arrived only six hours previously to the number of seven hundred men, viz : one hundred and fifty

French and the remainder Indians. I departed on the sixth, having had all the sick of

my troops embarked before day (so as not to be

seen by the Indians) to the number of one hundred and

fifty canoes

and twelve flat batteaux and

arrived in the evening of the same day at Fort Frontenac, where I found one hundred and ten men

:

DE LA BARRE's EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY. of the

number I had left there, already departed, all sick, for Montreal, and having given the

necessary orders as to the number of soldiers to be

left

there for the security of that post, until the

arrival from France of Sieur de la Forest, Major thereof, I started, about nine or ten o'clock in the morning, on my return. Shortly after my departure, the bark arrived from Niagara with some

French officers of the army who brought me news from it at night, and assured me that the Chiefs of all the savages had accompanied them to the Fort, desirous to see me, and that they would visit

me at Montreal, where I should await them.

The Rev. Father de Lamberville Sen r came, likewise,

with these Gentlemen on account of some difficulties which he was very glad to arrange for Onontague whither he returned.

We worked some hours together

;

then sent him back to the fort

with some of the arrived French ; the others being desirous to leave and come down again into the country.

French officers of the army who brought me news from it at night, and assured me that the Chiefs of all the savages had accompanied them to the Fort, desirous to see me, and that they would visit

me at Montreal, where I should await them.

The Rev. Father de Lamberville Sen r came, likewise,

with these Gentlemen on account of some difficulties which he was very glad to arrange for Onontague whither he returned.

We worked some hours together

;

then sent him back to the fort

with some of the arrived French ; the others being desirous to leave and come down again into the country.

After having waited some time for Mess" du Tast and de Cahonet, to

whom I gave one of my

canoes and two of my attendants well acquainted with the navigation, to pilot their batteaux and troops in safety tlu-ough the rapids, I resumed my journey down the river.

I likewise took on board one of my canoes the Sieur Le Moine whose fever had seriously augmented, and who had served the

King in tliis affair with so much zeal and affection, aided by the intimate knowledge lie had of the Iroquois language, that it may be said the entire Colony owe him a debt of eternal gratitude. Finally, in my return of three days I accomplished what cost us thirteen in ascending, and found in the stores at Montreal and la Chine, forty-five thousand weight of flour, which, it,

had we received

I likewise took on board one of my canoes the Sieur Le Moine whose fever had seriously augmented, and who had served the

King in tliis affair with so much zeal and affection, aided by the intimate knowledge lie had of the Iroquois language, that it may be said the entire Colony owe him a debt of eternal gratitude. Finally, in my return of three days I accomplished what cost us thirteen in ascending, and found in the stores at Montreal and la Chine, forty-five thousand weight of flour, which, it,

had we received

would have enabled us to have made a longer sojourn in the upper country. Done at Quebec the 1" day of October 1684.

Le FEBURE DE LA BARE.

PRESENTS MADE BY THE ONNONTAGUES TO 0N0NTI0, AT LA FAMINE, THE 5th 7ber 1684.* [

From the same. ]

The Onnontagues, whose mediation between the French and the Senecas the General accepted, having repaired to a place called La Famine about 25 leagues from their country, Sieur Hateouati,

who is the Orator of that Nation, spoke by fifteen presents, not only on behalf of the Senecas, but also for the other Iroquois Nations.

Word of the Iroquois. After having taken God to witness the sincerity of his heart, and having assured Onontio of the truth of his words, he spoke in this wise 1 st

I give you a Beverage devoid of bitterness, to purify whatever inconvenience you may have experienced during the voyage, and to dispel whatever bad air you may have breathed between Montreal

who is the Orator of that Nation, spoke by fifteen presents, not only on behalf of the Senecas, but also for the other Iroquois Nations.

Word of the Iroquois. After having taken God to witness the sincerity of his heart, and having assured Onontio of the truth of his words, he spoke in this wise 1 st

I give you a Beverage devoid of bitterness, to purify whatever inconvenience you may have experienced during the voyage, and to dispel whatever bad air you may have breathed between Montreal

and this place. Jlnswer of Onontio to the words of HoteouaU : the Senecas, I wish, truly to do

--As have placed in your hands the mediation with

what you ask me.

I, therefore, lay

down my Hatchet and refer to

you to obtain a reasonable satisfaction. 2 d Word.

I remove the hatchet

is your child, and that

with which you threaten to strike the Senecas. you are his father.

3d

Remember he

Word. Mr. Lemoine, your ordinary envoy, having come last year, and speaking to us in your name, cut a deep ditch into which he told us you and we should cast all the unkind things that • Endorsed by the Minister,

" Theie letters must be kept secret."

might occur ; I have not forgotten this word, and in obedience to it, I request you to throw into that ditch the Seneca robbery, and that it may disturb neither our country nor yours.

That ditch is well cut, but as your young men have no sense, and as they may make this a pretext for committing acts of hostility anew, after having cast the Seneca robbery into that ditch, Answer.

" Theie letters must be kept secret."

might occur ; I have not forgotten this word, and in obedience to it, I request you to throw into that ditch the Seneca robbery, and that it may disturb neither our country nor yours.

That ditch is well cut, but as your young men have no sense, and as they may make this a pretext for committing acts of hostility anew, after having cast the Seneca robbery into that ditch, Answer.

I cover it up forever.

as you desire ; arrest, then, your young men, as I shall restrain mine.

4th Word. I set up again the tree of peace, which we planted at Montreal, in the conference we had the honor to have with you last summer. Answer. It is not I who think of throwing it down it is your nephews who have seriously shaken :

it.

I strengthen it.

5th

I exhort you, Father, to sustain it strongly, in order that nothing

Word.

I again tie up (je rattache) the Sun

6 th Word.

may shake it.

which was altogether obscured

:

I dispel all

the

clouds and mists that concealed it from our view. 7th

The robbery committed by the Senecas on your nephews, is not a sufficient motive to make war against them. Where has blood been shed? I promise you that satisfaction shall be afforded you for the loss the French have experienced by the pillage of their merchandize. Answer of Onontio. It is good that you promise me satisfaction deceive me not. The first thing that I expect of you is, that you restore me the two prisoners of Etionnontate who are with the Word.

The robbery committed by the Senecas on your nephews, is not a sufficient motive to make war against them. Where has blood been shed? I promise you that satisfaction shall be afforded you for the loss the French have experienced by the pillage of their merchandize. Answer of Onontio. It is good that you promise me satisfaction deceive me not. The first thing that I expect of you is, that you restore me the two prisoners of Etionnontate who are with the Word.

:

Seneca, and a third who remains at Cayuga.

Word. Onontio, my father, I feel uneasy and cannot pluck up courage, whatever kindnesses you have the goodness to show me. What disquiets me, is to behold Soldiers, hear drums, etc. I pray you return to Quebec, so that your children may sleep in peace. Answer. I depart to-morrow and quit this country, to show you what deference I pay to your 8 th

demands. 9 th

The fires of peace and the halls of our Councils were at Frontenac or at Montreal.

Word.

The former is a poor country where the Grasshoppers prevent me sleeping, and the second is faraway for our old men. I kindle the fires of peace on this spot, which is the most agreable that we can select, where there is good fishing, hunting, &c. Answer. I accept the selection you have made of this place for our conferences, without, however, extinguishing the fire which I keep burning at Montreal. 10 th Word. Our warriors have, as well as our other chiefs, accepted the peace. I bear their words by this belt. Answer.

The former is a poor country where the Grasshoppers prevent me sleeping, and the second is faraway for our old men. I kindle the fires of peace on this spot, which is the most agreable that we can select, where there is good fishing, hunting, &c. Answer. I accept the selection you have made of this place for our conferences, without, however, extinguishing the fire which I keep burning at Montreal. 10 th Word. Our warriors have, as well as our other chiefs, accepted the peace. I bear their words by this belt. Answer.

You need not doubt the obedience of my soldiers

;

endeavour to make yourselves obeyed

by your own. To prove to you that I maintain uphold the tree of peace, I sent to Niagara to cause the army to return which was coming from that direction. You told us, last summer, to strike the enemy no more. We heard your voice. We 11 th Word. shall not go to war again in that quarter. Answer. Remember that the Maskoutenek is brother to the Oumeami. Therefore strike neither the one nor the other.

12 th Word.

He has killed some, this spring, in divers rencounters, but as you bound my arms I

allowed myself to be beaten, without defending myself.

Answer.

That's good ; you need not pursue the Oumeami who struck you ; I shall send him word

not to commit any more acts of hostility.

13 th Word. Answer.

Regarding the Illinois, I am at war with him ; we shall, both of us, die fighting.

12 th Word.

He has killed some, this spring, in divers rencounters, but as you bound my arms I

allowed myself to be beaten, without defending myself.

Answer.

That's good ; you need not pursue the Oumeami who struck you ; I shall send him word

not to commit any more acts of hostility.

13 th Word. Answer.

Regarding the Illinois, I am at war with him ; we shall, both of us, die fighting.

Take heed, in firing at the Illinois, not to strike the French whom you meet on your

path and in the neighbourhood of Fort St. Louis. Restore to us the Missionaries whom you have withdrawn from our villages. They shall not be taken from you who are our mediators and when the Senecas shall have commenced to give me satisfaction, they shall be restored to them as well as to the other nations. 14 th Word.

Answer.

;

;

DE LA BARRE's EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY.

th

Prevent the Christians of the Sault and of the Mountain coming any more let them cease to dismember our country as they do ;

and last Word.

among us, to seduce our people to Montreal every year.

my children of the Sault nor of the Mountain who dismember your country who dismember it by your drunkenness and superstitions. Besides, there is full liberty to come and reside among us no person is retained by force. The General added two presents to the above. By the first he said You see the consideration which I have for the request you have made me. Answer.

among us, to seduce our people to Montreal every year.

my children of the Sault nor of the Mountain who dismember your country who dismember it by your drunkenness and superstitions. Besides, there is full liberty to come and reside among us no person is retained by force. The General added two presents to the above. By the first he said You see the consideration which I have for the request you have made me. Answer.

It is not

it is yourselves

;

:

I ask you in return, if first give

the Seneca, Cayuga or any other commit a similar insult against me, that you

him some sense, and if he will not hear you, that you abandon him as one disaffected.

By the last belt, he exhorted them to listen not to evil sayings, and told them to conduct Tegannehout back to Seneca and to inform these of the above conclusions.

M.

DE MEULLES TO THE MINISTER. [From the same.]

My Lord-- I thought you would be impatient to learn the success and result of the war the General had undertaken against the Iroquois which rendered it necessary for him to call a part of the people of this country together and make all necessary preparation, at his Majesty's expense, for this expedition. The troops have been as far as a place called La Famine, thirty leagues beyond Fort Frontenac. The army consisted of nine hundred French and three hundred Savages, and from the Niagara side there was another army of six hundred men, one third of whom were French and the remainder Ottawas and Hurons, amounting in all to eighteen hundred men. What Indians there were evinced the best disposition to fight the Iroquois to the death. Sieur de la Durantaye who brought the last six hundred men from Missilimakinak, has informed us that he learned from a Miami Chief that more than a thousand Illinois were coming to our aid on learning that we were about to fight the Iroquois, to such a degree are they their irreconcileable enemies.

The army consisted of nine hundred French and three hundred Savages, and from the Niagara side there was another army of six hundred men, one third of whom were French and the remainder Ottawas and Hurons, amounting in all to eighteen hundred men. What Indians there were evinced the best disposition to fight the Iroquois to the death. Sieur de la Durantaye who brought the last six hundred men from Missilimakinak, has informed us that he learned from a Miami Chief that more than a thousand Illinois were coming to our aid on learning that we were about to fight the Iroquois, to such a degree are they their irreconcileable enemies. Certainly, never was there remarked a better disposition to fight and conquer them and purge the country of that nation which will be eternally our enemy. All the French breathed nothing but war, and though they saw themselves obliged to abandon their families, they consoled themselves with the hope of liberating them by one victory from a nation so odious as the Iroquois, at whose hands they constantly dreaded ambushes and destruction. But the General did not think proper to push matters any farther, and without any necessity sent Sieur Le Moyne to the said Iroquois to treat of peace at a time when every one was in good health, and when all necessary provision was made of food, &c. to dare every enterprize and finally after various comings and goings on one side and ;

the other, the General concluded peace such as you will see by the articles which I take the liberty to send you as written by the hand of his Secretary.

But the General did not think proper to push matters any farther, and without any necessity sent Sieur Le Moyne to the said Iroquois to treat of peace at a time when every one was in good health, and when all necessary provision was made of food, &c. to dare every enterprize and finally after various comings and goings on one side and ;

the other, the General concluded peace such as you will see by the articles which I take the liberty to send you as written by the hand of his Secretary.

This peace, my Lord, has astonished all the officers who had the command in that army and all those who composed it, who have testified so deep a displeasure and so sovereign a contempt for the it to him. I assure you, my Lord, that had I strayed ever so little from my duty and not exhibited exteriorly, since his return,

General's person that they could not prevent themselves evincing

the respect I owe his character, the whole world would have risen against him and would have been guilty of some excess.

DE LA BARRE's EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY.

The said General excuses himself because of the sick and even says that the troops lacked food

;

to which I feel obliged to answer, being certain that he seeks every pretext and has recourse to every

expedient to exculpate himself and perhaps to put the blame on me.

number of sick among the Militia which he took with him to Fort Frontenac, who were in perfect good health on arriving there, but having encamped them for a 'Tis certain that there was a great

The said General excuses himself because of the sick and even says that the troops lacked food

;

to which I feel obliged to answer, being certain that he seeks every pretext and has recourse to every

expedient to exculpate himself and perhaps to put the blame on me.

number of sick among the Militia which he took with him to Fort Frontenac, who were in perfect good health on arriving there, but having encamped them for a 'Tis certain that there was a great

fortnight in prairies between the woods and a pond, it

he made them camp

is not surprising that

some fell sick.

Again

La Famine in places that were never inhabited, entirely surrounded by swamps, which contributed still considerably to the sickness in Ms army and had he remained there at

;

longer he would not have saved a man.

This has caused every one to say that he did not care,

had not the least desire to make war ; that he made no use of his long sojourns except Had he seriously wished to make war on the said Iroquois he would not have remained ten to twelve days at Montreal, fourteen or fifteen at Fort Frontenac and as many at La Famine, but would have remained merely a day or two, and would have used the that he

employing them in his negociations.

greatest despatch to fight the Iroquois, and not uselessly consumed all his provisions ; he would have,

indubitably surprised the said Iroquois who did not expect this war, especially as the greater number

had not the least desire to make war ; that he made no use of his long sojourns except Had he seriously wished to make war on the said Iroquois he would not have remained ten to twelve days at Montreal, fourteen or fifteen at Fort Frontenac and as many at La Famine, but would have remained merely a day or two, and would have used the that he

employing them in his negociations.

greatest despatch to fight the Iroquois, and not uselessly consumed all his provisions ; he would have,

indubitably surprised the said Iroquois who did not expect this war, especially as the greater number

of their young men had been at war in the beginning of the spring.

He says he lacked provisions though that were true, he would be the cause and could not but ;

accuse himself of imprudence, having supplied him, generally, with whatever he required of me, of

which the whole country is a witness, and with a little precaution or rather good faith he would have had every thing in abundance. He had determined not to leave until the 15 th of August; he departed on the 1

th of

July.

That did not prevent me furnishing all that he required of me, such

as batteaux, canoes, arms, ammunition, and all the provisions he desired.

yet remained at the end of the island of Montreal, at a place called

This is so true that there

La Chine thirty-five thousand

weight of flour and five of biscuit which he found on his return, and which he had requested me

He had determined not to leave until the 15 th of August; he departed on the 1

th of

July.

That did not prevent me furnishing all that he required of me, such

as batteaux, canoes, arms, ammunition, and all the provisions he desired.

yet remained at the end of the island of Montreal, at a place called

This is so true that there

La Chine thirty-five thousand

weight of flour and five of biscuit which he found on his return, and which he had requested me

Had he not halted, and had he been disposed to push into the convoy of provisions which accompanied liim had sufficed, the greater number of the militia, unwilling to wait for the King's supplies having laid in their own private

to' retain for

him at Montreal.

Iroquois Country, the

first

back with them, which all the Captains in command This convoy consisted of eighteen canoes full of biscuit, pork, brandy and apparently

stock, the greater part of which they brought will certify.

other things which I do not precisely know having been loaded at Montreal whilst I was at Quebec

where I issued orders for the provisions that the General had demanded of me and for attending to the harvest of those who had gone to the war.

had been the General's design to make war, he should not have caused the cargoes of the eighteen canoes I have mentioned to be put into barks thirty leagues from Montreal above the Rapids, instead of letting the voyage be continued by the canoemen who were paid to go to Fort Frontenac and who had already accomplished the roughest half of the road, and who, without a doubt, would have arrived in three days at the Fort, which was represented to him by all the officers who stated to him that the barks required wind which being contrary would keep them more than three weeks from arriving.

had been the General's design to make war, he should not have caused the cargoes of the eighteen canoes I have mentioned to be put into barks thirty leagues from Montreal above the Rapids, instead of letting the voyage be continued by the canoemen who were paid to go to Fort Frontenac and who had already accomplished the roughest half of the road, and who, without a doubt, would have arrived in three days at the Fort, which was represented to him by all the officers who stated to him that the barks required wind which being contrary would keep them more than three weeks from arriving. This turned out to be true. Notwithstanding all these reasons he absolutely insisted that all the said provisions should be put in the barks. Some have assured me If it

that the canoes of said convoy were partly laden with merchandize, and not being very desirous to let the circumstance be known, he had caused

secretly into

the said barks to precede the canoes to put the goods

them and keep the knowledge of it from every body.

By these means he made use of

these canoes to convey these merchandises to the Fort at the King's expense, which he has always practised for two years, ever pretending certain necessity to transport munitions of war, and to make use, by this means, of the conveyances for which the King is made to pay, under pretext to keep the

Fort in good order.

It is

them and keep the knowledge of it from every body.

By these means he made use of

these canoes to convey these merchandises to the Fort at the King's expense, which he has always practised for two years, ever pretending certain necessity to transport munitions of war, and to make use, by this means, of the conveyances for which the King is made to pay, under pretext to keep the

Fort in good order.

It is

impossible to conceive the quantity of Brandy that he has caused to be

DE LA BARRE'S EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY.

conveyed thither during eighteen months, of which I have had most positive information, and of

which I had the honor to advise you in my last. Others supposed that he had the said provisions put on board those barks in order to obtain time and by this address, to negotiate a peace with the Iroquois, as he had sent Sieur Le Moyne to them who

is a very

these negotiations, stating openly that they ought to be whipt.

brave man and who despaired of all All the delays at Montreal, the Fort,

and at La Famine caused the useless consumption of a portion of the supplies which, however did not fail; other convoys having been received from time to time, but these were always wasted without any thing having been done. After the said General had determined in his own mind on this war, he sent the man named Bourbon, an inhabitant of this country to Colonel Dongan to advise him that he was obliged to wage war against the Iroquois, requesting him not to afford them any aid ;

and at La Famine caused the useless consumption of a portion of the supplies which, however did not fail; other convoys having been received from time to time, but these were always wasted without any thing having been done. After the said General had determined in his own mind on this war, he sent the man named Bourbon, an inhabitant of this country to Colonel Dongan to advise him that he was obliged to wage war against the Iroquois, requesting him not to afford them any aid ;

which he confided to me eight days This obliged me to tell him that I was astonished that he

after the departure of the said

Bourbon.

shoidd have thus proceeded

that the Iroquois having insulted us and intending to fight with and

;

destroy them, I should not have deemed it proper to inform neighbours who have an interest in our destruction ; and that he afforded thereby an opportunity to Col. Dongan, who

is an Englishman and consequently our born enemy, to give underhand information of our designs to the Iroquois, and

convey secretly to them all that may be necessary for their defence against us.

I asked

him if he

did not perceive that the English would never desire our advantage, and that they would contribute

power to destroy us, though at peace as regards France that they would always be jealous of the Fur trade prosecuted by us in this Country, which would make them protect the all

in their

is an Englishman and consequently our born enemy, to give underhand information of our designs to the Iroquois, and

convey secretly to them all that may be necessary for their defence against us.

I asked

him if he

did not perceive that the English would never desire our advantage, and that they would contribute

power to destroy us, though at peace as regards France that they would always be jealous of the Fur trade prosecuted by us in this Country, which would make them protect the all

in their

;

Iroquois always against us.

This Bourbon negotiation gave Colonel Dongan occasion to use some rhodomontade as the General has informed me ; and this assuredly it was that obliged him, having this information, to send an

Englishman, who

is

in the habit of trading among the said Indians, to plant the

Duke of York's

arms among the Onnontagues, which is an Iroquois village, wishing by that act to take the first posWe have not heard talk of any other movement on the English side, and session of the Country. it is

even certain that they will never cause us any dread from that quarter and that they could

not prevent us to achieve that conquest this year, had the General been willing to fight.

You can hardly believe, my Lord, that the General has, alone, undertaken the war without having consulted any person, neither officers of the army nor gentlemen, nor the people of the country who are the most interested, nor any individual whosoever he might be, except Sieur de la Chesnayne,

even certain that they will never cause us any dread from that quarter and that they could

not prevent us to achieve that conquest this year, had the General been willing to fight.

You can hardly believe, my Lord, that the General has, alone, undertaken the war without having consulted any person, neither officers of the army nor gentlemen, nor the people of the country who are the most interested, nor any individual whosoever he might be, except Sieur de la Chesnayne,

with whom he acts in concert for the entire destruction and ruin of the country. He has again made peace in this manner without any communication with any of the officers or others of those who

were near his person.

What seems a wonder in the country is that one individual, subject of his

Majesty like others, should, of his own will, make war and peace without having consulted or demanded the opinion of any person. His Majesty never acted thus. He has his Council of War, and when he is about to wage it, he demands advice of those of his council, in communicating to them the reasons which he may have to do so, and even causes the publication of manifests throughout the Kingdom, wishing to communicate to his people the justice of his undertakings.

But the

General has treated of peace, like a sovereign, with the said Iroquois, having employed none of those

who were nigh him and who were acquainted with the Iroquois tongue, except as Interpreters.

He has his Council of War, and when he is about to wage it, he demands advice of those of his council, in communicating to them the reasons which he may have to do so, and even causes the publication of manifests throughout the Kingdom, wishing to communicate to his people the justice of his undertakings.

But the

General has treated of peace, like a sovereign, with the said Iroquois, having employed none of those

who were nigh him and who were acquainted with the Iroquois tongue, except as Interpreters.

He

dare not consult the officers, being certain that they would all have concluded on war ; and but little

was necessary to make them select a chief from among themselves to attack the enemy. The said General proceeds at the head of a small force to make war against the Iroquois, and far from doing that, he grants them all they ask. His principal design was to attack the Senecas, but instead of showing him any civility, they did not even condescend to come and meet him, and gave an insolent answer to those who proposed it to them. [Vol. I.]

If people had any thing to say to them, let

them take the trouble and come and meet them. There came altogether on this embassy only a certain sycophant who seeks merely a good dinner, and a real buffoon called among the French La Grand Gueule [Big Throat,] accompanied by eight or ten miserable fellows who fooled the General in a most shameful manner, which you will perceive by the articles of peace I have the honour to send you, and which I doubt not he also will send you. They will assuredly excite your pity. You will see he abandons the Illinois among whom M. de la Salle is about to establish himself and who are the cause of this war, inasmuch as the Iroquois attacked them even in Fort St.

There came altogether on this embassy only a certain sycophant who seeks merely a good dinner, and a real buffoon called among the French La Grand Gueule [Big Throat,] accompanied by eight or ten miserable fellows who fooled the General in a most shameful manner, which you will perceive by the articles of peace I have the honour to send you, and which I doubt not he also will send you. They will assuredly excite your pity. You will see he abandons the Illinois among whom M. de la Salle is about to establish himself and who are the cause of this war, inasmuch as the Iroquois attacked them even in Fort St. Louis which the said Sieur de la Salle had erected among them, and of which the General took possession, having ousted and driven away those whom the said Sieur de la Salle had left in command there, and whither he sent Sieur de Bangy his lieutenant of the guards, who is still there. When he concluded this peace he already had His Majesty's letter eight days in his possession, but so far from conforming to its intentions, he consents to the slaughter of the Illinois who are our allies, and where His Majesty designed to plant a new Colony or some powerful establishment under

M. de la Salle's direction. I consider it also my duty to inform your Lordship that the General quit La Famine the moment the peace was concluded without taking the least care of the troops, rabandoning them altogether to their own guidance, forbidding them on pain of death to leave the place by the Iroquois, and having (so to say) lost his what became of the army. Certain it is that he went up to the Fort without taking information about any thing and returned in the same manner.

I consider it also my duty to inform your Lordship that the General quit La Famine the moment the peace was concluded without taking the least care of the troops, rabandoning them altogether to their own guidance, forbidding them on pain of death to leave the place by the Iroquois, and having (so to say) lost his what became of the army. Certain it is that he went up to the Fort without taking information about any thing and returned in the same manner. The worst of this affair is the loss of the trade which I find inevitable, because the Outawas and other Savages who came to our aid will hereafter entertain no respect for us, and will regard us as a people without courage and without resolution. I doubt not, my lord, but the General sends you a letter which he received from Father Lamberville, Jesuit, who is a missionary in an Iroquois village at Onnontagu£, whence those ambassadors came with whom peace was negotiated. The Father, who had learned the General's intentions from Sieur Le Moyne, has been wise and sufficiently discreet, anticipating his design, to write to him in accordance with his views, and to ingeniously solicit that which must flatter and highly please him. But one tiling, is certain that all the Jesuits at Quebec, and particularly Father Bechefer have openly stated in Quebec for six weeks, that the country was destroyed if peace were concluded which is so true, that having communicated to him the two letters I wrote to the General, he highly approved of them and advised me to send them to the fort. I shall take leave to send you copies of them, requesting you very respectfully, to be persuaded that I speak to you without passion, and that I state nothing to you but what is most true and reliable, and because I feel obliged to let you know the truth as regards all things, without which you will never have the least confidence in me.

But one tiling, is certain that all the Jesuits at Quebec, and particularly Father Bechefer have openly stated in Quebec for six weeks, that the country was destroyed if peace were concluded which is so true, that having communicated to him the two letters I wrote to the General, he highly approved of them and advised me to send them to the fort. I shall take leave to send you copies of them, requesting you very respectfully, to be persuaded that I speak to you without passion, and that I state nothing to you but what is most true and reliable, and because I feel obliged to let you know the truth as regards all things, without which you will never have the least confidence in me. I should wish, my Lord, to avoid explaining myself in this manner, fearing you might infer that we were, the General and I, greatly disunited, which is quite contrary to the manner in which we until a long time after him, fearing to be surprised wits, caring little

;

live together, since it is certain that we never had, personally, the least difference wishing in that to

conform myself to your wishes and His Majesty's orders, aware that it is the most assured means that I can take to be agreeable to you, which is the sole ambition I have in the world, and to prove to

you that no person can be with more profound respect and greater devotedness than I, my Lord, Your very humble and ob: serv*. This, my Lord, is only incidentally. I defer informing you of what has occurred in this country

conform myself to your wishes and His Majesty's orders, aware that it is the most assured means that I can take to be agreeable to you, which is the sole ambition I have in the world, and to prove to

you that no person can be with more profound respect and greater devotedness than I, my Lord, Your very humble and ob: serv*. This, my Lord, is only incidentally. I defer informing you of what has occurred in this country

during

this year, until the departure of the vessels.

Quebec, the 10th 8 ber 1684.

Demeulles.

FATHER LAMBERVILLE, MISSIONARY AT ONONDAGA, TO M. DE LA BARRE. [Onondaga, ] July 10, 1684. Sir,

--A general Assembly of

all

the Iroquois will be held here at which it

is

intended to unite

against you, and to inform the Senecas that you wished to persuade the four Iroquois Nations not to

aid them in case of war.

am surprised that M. Le Moyne or some other persons have not told you

that all the villages were confederated, and that one could not be attacked without becoming embroiled

with the others.

Did affairs permit, I should have much wished to tell you

my thoughts on many things.

brother will inform you of all when he will have the honor to see you.

My

The On [non] tagues who

have been spoken to, would like much to settle matters this is the reason my brother goes to you, whilst I still keep them disposed to give you satisfaction, in order to avoid if possible an infini;

with the others.

Did affairs permit, I should have much wished to tell you

my thoughts on many things.

brother will inform you of all when he will have the honor to see you.

My

The On [non] tagues who

have been spoken to, would like much to settle matters this is the reason my brother goes to you, whilst I still keep them disposed to give you satisfaction, in order to avoid if possible an infini;

tude of evils which will overtake Canada, and as I know not whether you desire war without listening to proposals for peace, I wish to understand whether it is not fitter that I withdraw, if possible, rather than give occasion to the Iroquois to say that I deceived them, by propositions for peace.

The

Onontagues and other nations say, that it grieves them to take up arms against you who are their neighbour, and who form almost one country with them. They acknowledge that the Senecas are proud and insolent on account of their great number of warriors, but if you are desirous to maintain peace by some satisfaction which they will induce the

Senecas to make you, it will be very acceptable, so as not to be obliged to come to extremities which will be very disastrous. If war occurs, Sir, all those who have houses apart from fortified places must at once abandon their dwellings, for the grain and the houses will be burned, and many will otherwise be brought away prisoners to be cruelly tormented and insulted. I always think that peace ought to be most precious to you, and that all the advantages that can be held out ought to cause you to shrink from war. A delay in order to arrange everything more at leisure and after having received assistance from France, would extricate you from much embarrassment which will follow from all sides.

If war occurs, Sir, all those who have houses apart from fortified places must at once abandon their dwellings, for the grain and the houses will be burned, and many will otherwise be brought away prisoners to be cruelly tormented and insulted. I always think that peace ought to be most precious to you, and that all the advantages that can be held out ought to cause you to shrink from war. A delay in order to arrange everything more at leisure and after having received assistance from France, would extricate you from much embarrassment which will follow from all sides. Pardon me if I give free expression to my thoughts you will not at least disapprove of the zeal with wrch I am with much respect and submission Your very humble and Very Obedient Servant DeLamberville. (Signed) ;

FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.

--A troop of Senecas on

Sir,

their way to buy their supplies

July 1684.

and munitions of powder, lead and

arms are two days [distance] from here. They are expected in order to talk fully of affairs and to endeavour for the preservation peace to induce them to give to you satisfaction. I believe if you are really desirous to come to an arrangement in

which an effort will be made to satisfy you, and wherein will be prescribed the boundaries of war and trade, you would have leisure to provide with

less trouble and embarrassment for the security of Canada, either

by erecting forts at La Famine or

They are expected in order to talk fully of affairs and to endeavour for the preservation peace to induce them to give to you satisfaction. I believe if you are really desirous to come to an arrangement in

which an effort will be made to satisfy you, and wherein will be prescribed the boundaries of war and trade, you would have leisure to provide with

less trouble and embarrassment for the security of Canada, either

by erecting forts at La Famine or

towards the Senecas under the pretext of establishing a blacksmith, or at La Galette according as jrou think proper.

I do not believe that

you will derive any advantage this year from war, if you wage it

;

for not

only will almost the whole of the Iroquois prosecute the war in Canada, but you will not find the

Senecas in their villages, in which they give out they will not shut themselves up, but conceal themselves in the grass and prepare ambuscades every where for you.

Regarding your declaration to the

you had no ill will except against the Senecas, they convoked a general Diet here, where they will conclude to league themselves against you, if you will not accept the propositions of Iroquois that

peace for which the Onontague wishes to obtain the consent of the Seneca who has already placed in security the old grain, and

made a retreat in the woods for the children, women and old men, of

which you will be ignorant. The Warriors are to prowl every where, killing without if possible being killed. If their Indian corn be cut, it will cost much blood and men You must also resolve to lose the harvest of the French grain to which the Iroquois will set fire. As for the French settlements, the Iroquois sup-

peace for which the Onontague wishes to obtain the consent of the Seneca who has already placed in security the old grain, and

made a retreat in the woods for the children, women and old men, of

which you will be ignorant. The Warriors are to prowl every where, killing without if possible being killed. If their Indian corn be cut, it will cost much blood and men You must also resolve to lose the harvest of the French grain to which the Iroquois will set fire. As for the French settlements, the Iroquois sup-

--

pose that they are all abandoned and that the people have retired within the forts ; otherwise, they would be a prey to the enemy. It is the opinion that if you begin the war, it will be of long duration, and that to feed those in Canada you will have to bring provisions from France.

The

Iroquois believes that he will destroy the Colony in case of war, for he will never fight by rule against us and will not shut himself up in

Thus they are

any fort in which he might be stormed.

under the impression that, no person daring to come into unknown forests to pursue them, they can neither be destroyed nor captured, having a vast hunting ground in their rear, towards Merilande

and Virginia, as well as places adjoining their villages, wholly unknown to the French. If winter were not so cold in this country, that would be the time to wage war, for one can then see all around, and the trail cannot be concealed but every thing must be carried provisions, arms, powder and You can not believe, Sir, with what joy the Senecas learned that you would, possibly, deterlead.

under the impression that, no person daring to come into unknown forests to pursue them, they can neither be destroyed nor captured, having a vast hunting ground in their rear, towards Merilande

and Virginia, as well as places adjoining their villages, wholly unknown to the French. If winter were not so cold in this country, that would be the time to wage war, for one can then see all around, and the trail cannot be concealed but every thing must be carried provisions, arms, powder and You can not believe, Sir, with what joy the Senecas learned that you would, possibly, deterlead.

--

;

and from the report the savages make them of the preparations apparent at Kataroskouy, they say, that the French have a great desire to be stript, roasted and eaten and that they

mine on war

;

;

will see if their flesh, which they say is salt on account of the salt they

make use of be as good as

that of their other enemies whom they devour.

The envoy of the Governor of New York who is here promises the Iroquois goods at a considerable reduction 7 a 8 lbs. of powder for a Beaver as much lead as a man can carry for a Beaver, and so ;

;

with the rest.

Every thing considered, Sir, if you will be content with a satisfaction which we will endeavor to obtain for you from the Senecas, you will prevent great evils which must fall on Canada in case of war you will divert from it famine and many misfortunes, especially will you avoid much confusion and great suffering to the French who will fall into the hands of the Iroquois, who, as you are aware, ;

with the rest.

Every thing considered, Sir, if you will be content with a satisfaction which we will endeavor to obtain for you from the Senecas, you will prevent great evils which must fall on Canada in case of war you will divert from it famine and many misfortunes, especially will you avoid much confusion and great suffering to the French who will fall into the hands of the Iroquois, who, as you are aware, ;

exercise the most cruel and shameful cruelties towards their captives.

Independent of there being

no profit in fighting with this sort of banditti whom you, assuredly, will not catch and who will catch many of your people who will be surprised in every quarter. The man called Hannatakta and some others of influence told me they pitied you. These are their words they besought you not to force them to wage war against you ; that the five Nations

--

woidd be obliged to unite against you that the French and the Iroquois being so near the one to the other, the war would be too disastrous to you, because, say they, our mode of fighting, of harassing, of living, of surprising and flying to the woods will be the ruin of the French who are accustomed ;

towns capable of defence or against armies who appear in the plains ; if there be misunderstanding it ought to be settled. All the Iroquois are persuaded that before going to war you will try the ways of mildness and tell the Senecas to appease your anger for what they have

woidd be obliged to unite against you that the French and the Iroquois being so near the one to the other, the war would be too disastrous to you, because, say they, our mode of fighting, of harassing, of living, of surprising and flying to the woods will be the ruin of the French who are accustomed ;

towns capable of defence or against armies who appear in the plains ; if there be misunderstanding it ought to be settled. All the Iroquois are persuaded that before going to war you will try the ways of mildness and tell the Senecas to appease your anger for what they have

to fight against

plundered

;

that if you begin by a desire to wage war

and will not act as a father towards your

children, they have already declared beforehand that they will all unite against you.

--

DE LA BARRE'S EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY.

FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. July 13. 1684.

My Lord--I have the honor to write to you by Father Millet who passes here in retiring from among the Iroquois who cannot be persuaded that you have determined on waging war against them, not having demanded any satisfaction of them for the merchandize of the Frenchmen whom the Senecas plundered. To turn away the scourge of war and the miseries which must follow it, especially among the French who will find themselves attacked by all the Iroquois if any hostile act is committed against the Senecas, I have strongly urged the Onnontagues to give you satisfaction according to the instructions which the Christian Iroquois, your deputies here, had. To-morrow a great number of Senecas are expected with several Cayugas and the Ambassadors from the two Lower Nations to talk about business.

To turn away the scourge of war and the miseries which must follow it, especially among the French who will find themselves attacked by all the Iroquois if any hostile act is committed against the Senecas, I have strongly urged the Onnontagues to give you satisfaction according to the instructions which the Christian Iroquois, your deputies here, had. To-morrow a great number of Senecas are expected with several Cayugas and the Ambassadors from the two Lower Nations to talk about business.

The Senecas consequent on the declaration you made to them that you would proceed to their country, have concealed their old grain, prepared a distant retreat in the wooden fort for the security of their old men, women and children, and conveyed whatever they have of value out of their villages. The Warriors in great number have heard this news with much joy they are determined to fight, not in their forts for they have none, and will not shut themselves up any where, but under cover, behind trees, and in the grass where they will try to do you considerable injury, if you want war. The Onnontagues men of business wish to arrange matters, especially having lost nothing of theirs, except only some goods. Must the father and children, they ask, cut each others throats The children must satisfy the father to whom they owe honor and respect. for clothes ? ;

--

--

Further, I, last year, guarantied by two Wampum belts

--one

to the Senecas and the other here

The Warriors in great number have heard this news with much joy they are determined to fight, not in their forts for they have none, and will not shut themselves up any where, but under cover, behind trees, and in the grass where they will try to do you considerable injury, if you want war. The Onnontagues men of business wish to arrange matters, especially having lost nothing of theirs, except only some goods. Must the father and children, they ask, cut each others throats The children must satisfy the father to whom they owe honor and respect. for clothes ? ;

--

--

Further, I, last year, guarantied by two Wampum belts

--one

to the Senecas and the other here

that if the Iroquois army met the French who were towards Illinois, and any acts of hostility should

follow on one side or the other, they would mutually arrange the difficulty without it leading to any

consequences, and this is what we are endeavoring to persuade the Senecas to do.

Father Millet, to

whom I communicated all, and who has just passed, will tell you every thing and how apropos it would be that M. le Moine should come here to fetch those Chiefs and Warriors who will most willingly meet you under the safe conduct which you will give them through M. le Moine (who can come here in all surety and without any fear) to be conducted to your rendezvous near Seneca or to the Fort, in order to settle matters in a friendly manner.

whom I communicated all, and who has just passed, will tell you every thing and how apropos it would be that M. le Moine should come here to fetch those Chiefs and Warriors who will most willingly meet you under the safe conduct which you will give them through M. le Moine (who can come here in all surety and without any fear) to be conducted to your rendezvous near Seneca or to the Fort, in order to settle matters in a friendly manner.

The Iroquois say they will not commit any act of hostility against you, unless you commence either by attacking the Senecas or by refusing all satisfaction, for they remark, it is painful to come

They all say that their mode of warfare will be disastrous to you, but that the respect they entertain towards you, and which we insinuate among them, withholds them until they are forced, they add, to wage a sorrowful war, despite themselves, against you. They wish, first of all, they say, to avoid the reproach of not having kept their word which they gave. I told M. le Moine of the above. to blows with their Father.

My brother expects to leave with your deputies to carry to you the result of the Iroquois Diet, where the Onnontague who assumes to be a moderator, pretends to force the Senecas to disavow what two of their captains caused their warriors to do, and to quieten again your mind that is, they say, by some satisfaction which may afford you an honorable pretext to pay a friendly visit to Kaniata;

I told M. le Moine of the above. to blows with their Father.

My brother expects to leave with your deputies to carry to you the result of the Iroquois Diet, where the Onnontague who assumes to be a moderator, pretends to force the Senecas to disavow what two of their captains caused their warriors to do, and to quieten again your mind that is, they say, by some satisfaction which may afford you an honorable pretext to pay a friendly visit to Kaniata;

rontagouat [now, Irondequot Bay] and not to appear there as an enemy. I forgot to inform you that the Iroquois say they have accepted the satisfaction they received for the death of their captain, Hannhenhax, killed by the Kiskakous, and that it would seem very

strange to them that you should refuse the satisfaction they wish to induce the Senecas to give you for the pillaged

merchandize which, in their estimation is next to nothing compared with that im-

portant [council] fire in your children's cabin.

I pray God that

He conduct matters for His glory

and the country's good and that He preserve you long, which is the wish, my Lord, of

Your very humble & very ob* Serv4 J.

,

DE LaMBERVILLE.

FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. 18 July, 1684.

Sir-- The Council convoked at Onnontague was, at length, held on the 16^ and 17*h of July. You will see by the memoir I enclose in this letter what you said to the Onnontagues and what they reply by three Belts. Since you spoke, or I have made you speak to the Senecas assembled here in a body, Chiefs and Warriors, and their answer, we have spoken to them by three Belts and they have answered you by nine. These are twelve Belts which your ambassadors take to you. trifling

Sir-- The Council convoked at Onnontague was, at length, held on the 16^ and 17*h of July. You will see by the memoir I enclose in this letter what you said to the Onnontagues and what they reply by three Belts. Since you spoke, or I have made you speak to the Senecas assembled here in a body, Chiefs and Warriors, and their answer, we have spoken to them by three Belts and they have answered you by nine. These are twelve Belts which your ambassadors take to you. trifling

pains

I know not if you will accept the we have taken to cause satisfaction to be given you, and to extricate you from the

fatigues, the embarrassments and consequences of a disastrous

freedom of trade

;

war, and procure at the same time

for the Senecas informed me at night, by express, that they would give you more

satisfaction than you expected, because

they wished through respect for you, not to wage war any

more against the Oumiamis, if you so wish it, and even any other nation if you insist on it.

In fine,

they do not wage war save but to secure a good peace.

They return without striking a blow, withThe Seneca Iroquois offer you more than you would have believed.

out shedding blood, etc.

The Onnontagues considered their honour engaged to this meeting, and have put all sorts of machinery in motion to induce the Senecas to condescend to place their affairs in their hands. On the first day of the Council every thing was almost despaired of, and the plenipotentiaries all excited

they do not wage war save but to secure a good peace.

They return without striking a blow, withThe Seneca Iroquois offer you more than you would have believed.

out shedding blood, etc.

The Onnontagues considered their honour engaged to this meeting, and have put all sorts of machinery in motion to induce the Senecas to condescend to place their affairs in their hands. On the first day of the Council every thing was almost despaired of, and the plenipotentiaries all excited

came to see me, saying they gained nothing on the Senecas, and that up to that time they most wilwhich you and they had made them. They

lingly accepted war ; that they rejected the presents

sent me back a collection of belts, that the chiefs and warriors acted with great zeal in combating

the obstinacy of the Senecas so that having gained the Oneidas and Cayugas over to their side,

they came to high words.

Deputies, notwithstanding, succeeded one another to sound me on the

and to learm the true cause of the withdrawal of our Missionaries. Finally I told them that the^real cause was, that the displeasure which they perceived you felt, and which they also entertained at being disparaged by the Senecas, had caused them to withdraw to you,

state of affairs

until they should

have satisfied you.

At length the Onnontagues persuaded them to confide in

them and to place their affairs in their hands--that if you did not accept should unite according

to

and to learm the true cause of the withdrawal of our Missionaries. Finally I told them that the^real cause was, that the displeasure which they perceived you felt, and which they also entertained at being disparaged by the Senecas, had caused them to withdraw to you,

state of affairs

until they should

have satisfied you.

At length the Onnontagues persuaded them to confide in

them and to place their affairs in their hands--that if you did not accept should unite according

to

their

their mediation, they

Iroquois against you.

La Grande

assuredly signalized themselves in this rencounter.

My brother,

policy, with all

Gueule and his triumvirate have who will inform you of every thing, will

relate

the other

matters more in detail.

We, however, await

your orders which you will please convey to us by M. le Moine whom the Onnontagues request you to send instantly to them at Choueguen [Oswego] in all security and without the least fear.

DE LA BARRe's EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY,

FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. Onontagug, this 17th August, 1684.

My Lord--Your people have brought my brother back here with the greatest possible diligence, having been

wind bound tliree days, at one island.

In order not to cause you any delay,

which could only produce a useless consumption of provisions by your army, they arrived here with Sieur le Due at midnight and having passed the rest of the night in conferring together, we had the Chiefs and Warriors assembled at day light after having obtained information from

My Lord--Your people have brought my brother back here with the greatest possible diligence, having been

wind bound tliree days, at one island.

In order not to cause you any delay,

which could only produce a useless consumption of provisions by your army, they arrived here with Sieur le Due at midnight and having passed the rest of the night in conferring together, we had the Chiefs and Warriors assembled at day light after having obtained information from

La Grande Gueule and Garakontie.

We declared our intentions in the presence of several Senecas who departed the same day to They carry one of your return to their country where they will communicate our approach. who are alarmed by your armament. The Onnontagues have despatched some of theirs to notify the Oneida, the Mohawk and the Cayuga to repair to Ochouegen [OsThey wish so much to see M. le Moine wego] to salute you and to reply to your proposals. belts to reassure those

here whom you promised them would come, that it appears that nothing could be done shoidd Also, as you advised them not to be troubled at the sight of your barks and he not arrive.

Gendarmes, they give you notice, likewise, not to be surprised when you will see faces painted red and black at Ochouegen. I do not know if he will have deliI gave a Cayuga letters for you some eight or ten days ago. vered them.

I believe that I advised

you that Colonel Dongan had the Duke of York's placards of

here whom you promised them would come, that it appears that nothing could be done shoidd Also, as you advised them not to be troubled at the sight of your barks and he not arrive.

Gendarmes, they give you notice, likewise, not to be surprised when you will see faces painted red and black at Ochouegen. I do not know if he will have deliI gave a Cayuga letters for you some eight or ten days ago. vered them.

I believe that I advised

you that Colonel Dongan had the Duke of York's placards of

protection (des sauveguardes) affixed to the three upper Iroquois villages, and that he styled himself

Lord of the Iroquois. A drunken man here tore these proclamations down and nothing remains but the post to which the Duke of York's arms were attached. I gave La Grande Gueule your belt under hand, and remarked to him the things which you wished him to effect. He calls himself your best friend and you have done well to have attached to you this hoc, who has the strongest head and loudest voice among the Iroquois. The over coats (capots) and shirts which you have been so good as to send to be used on occasions are a most efficacious means to gain over, or to preserve public opinion. An honorable peace will be more advantageous to Canada than a war very uncertain as to its success. lam of opinion, whatever the Mess" the Merchants may say, that you do them a good turn by inducing the Iroquois to give you satisfaction, and that the war would be very prejudicial to them.

The over coats (capots) and shirts which you have been so good as to send to be used on occasions are a most efficacious means to gain over, or to preserve public opinion. An honorable peace will be more advantageous to Canada than a war very uncertain as to its success. lam of opinion, whatever the Mess" the Merchants may say, that you do them a good turn by inducing the Iroquois to give you satisfaction, and that the war would be very prejudicial to them.

am with all sort of respect and submission,

My Lord,

Your very humble and very obedient servant, J.

de Lamberville, Jesuit.

FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. Onontagu£, this 28th August 1684.

My Lord --M. Le Moine's arrival has much pleased our burgomasters who have exhibited towards him many attentions, and have promised to terminate matters with you in the manner you desire. The Onontagues have called the Deputies of each Nation together as I have advised you.

The Cayugas came here the first, with two young Tionnoutates

to restore

them

to

you.

We expect the Senecas, and as we were hoping that the Oneidas would arrive to-day, one Arnaud

whom Father Bruyas is well acquainted with, came here on horseback from Mr. Dongan to tell the Iroquois that he did not wish i

them to talk with you without his permission, being complete

Arnold Cornelia" Viele, a citizen of Albany, who acted as Interpreter between the Whites and Indians,

in this capacity he had already obtained

you.

We expect the Senecas, and as we were hoping that the Oneidas would arrive to-day, one Arnaud

whom Father Bruyas is well acquainted with, came here on horseback from Mr. Dongan to tell the Iroquois that he did not wish i

them to talk with you without his permission, being complete

Arnold Cornelia" Viele, a citizen of Albany, who acted as Interpreter between the Whites and Indians,

in this capacity he had already obtained

For his service from the latter, 26th Sept'. 1683, a tract of land called Wachkeerhoha, on the north

bank of the Mohawk above Schenectady, the grant of which is in Alb. Deed Book C, 199.-- Th.

DE LA BABRE's EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY.

master of their land and conduct towards you ; that they belonged to the King of England and the Duke of York, and that their Council fires were lighted at Albany and that he absolutely forbad them talking Avith you.

Two words which we whispered in the ears of your pensioner, La Grande Gueule, caused us to see at once how unreasonable, in his opinion, was so strange a proceeding as that of Mr. Dongan

after having himself exhorted the Iroquois to give us satisfaction in order to avoid a disastrous

war which would have very bad [consequences.] When M. le Moine and I shall have the honour to see you, we shall give you the particulars of these things, and how La Grande Guelue came to high words against this Messenger, exhorting all the warriors and chiefs not to listen to the proposals of a man who seemed to be drunk, so opposed to all reason was what he uttered. We being two or three day's journey from here, the said Messenger produced three Belts of Wampum. The first and second are from the Mohawks and Oneidas, who have promised Mr. the third was for the Onnontagu£s to exhort them Dono-an that they should not go to meet us as assurance of the same thing.

war which would have very bad [consequences.] When M. le Moine and I shall have the honour to see you, we shall give you the particulars of these things, and how La Grande Guelue came to high words against this Messenger, exhorting all the warriors and chiefs not to listen to the proposals of a man who seemed to be drunk, so opposed to all reason was what he uttered. We being two or three day's journey from here, the said Messenger produced three Belts of Wampum. The first and second are from the Mohawks and Oneidas, who have promised Mr. the third was for the Onnontagu£s to exhort them Dono-an that they should not go to meet us as assurance of the same thing. They answered by La Grande also, belt wampum their to give highly honored by your having granted to them the themselves too esteemed Gueule, that they having placed the affairs of the peace in their hands, to embassy of M. Le Moine and by your commit so cowardly an action and so grave a fault as that which he seemed willing they should After many disputes, the Onnontagu6s councilled among themselves, and concluded perpetrate. to enquire of M. le Moine if he would not wait the permission which Mr. Dongan wished the Iroquois to have from him to talk with you, and if he would not tarry ten days more, and you ;

This is a piece of Iroquois cunning remain at the Lake, to learn Mr. Dongan's final will. not to embroil themselves with Mr. Dongan, and to follow entirely what M. le Moine should say whom they well knew would not wait so long, matters having advanced to the point at

Le Moine and by your commit so cowardly an action and so grave a fault as that which he seemed willing they should After many disputes, the Onnontagu6s councilled among themselves, and concluded perpetrate. to enquire of M. le Moine if he would not wait the permission which Mr. Dongan wished the Iroquois to have from him to talk with you, and if he would not tarry ten days more, and you ;

This is a piece of Iroquois cunning remain at the Lake, to learn Mr. Dongan's final will. not to embroil themselves with Mr. Dongan, and to follow entirely what M. le Moine should say whom they well knew would not wait so long, matters having advanced to the point at

which they are, and knowing, moreover, that delay was directly contrary to your instructions. The Iroquois requested M. le Moine himself to communicate their opinion to the Cavalier, which he certainly did in an excellent manner, and which you will be glad to learn when he will give an account of his negotiation. He has thought proper to send you one of his canoes at once to inform you hereof, and to assure will endeavour to despatch that as soon as the Onontague deputies shall have arrived here, he

you them hence at the earliest moment to conduct them to you. If not he will leave with the Senecas who are here. Tegannehout acted his part very well and harangued strongly against Mr. Dongan's messenger and in favor of Onnontio. Good cheer and the way you regaled him was a strengthening medicine which sustained his voice when it might perhaps have failed in another who had not experienced proofs of your friendship such as you did him the honour to give him.

you them hence at the earliest moment to conduct them to you. If not he will leave with the Senecas who are here. Tegannehout acted his part very well and harangued strongly against Mr. Dongan's messenger and in favor of Onnontio. Good cheer and the way you regaled him was a strengthening medicine which sustained his voice when it might perhaps have failed in another who had not experienced proofs of your friendship such as you did him the honour to give him.

He will return

with M. le Moine.

The Cavalier says that before returning to his Master, he wishes to speak to the Senecas who are Nation over expected here. I caress somewhat Tegannehout in order that he may win those of his solicitations of Sieur Arnaud to whom the to his opinion and not to suffer them to yield to the do other than Onnontagues have given two wretched belts to say to Mr. Dongan that they could not and to soothe you, with peaceably matters settle to wit, to what he himself had urged them to do very returned had they whence Albany to his spirit if he were dissatisfied with them for not going A letter is sent you which he has given to M. le Moine. recently. Whatever Sieur Arnaud may say, we have not neglected to send for the Oneida deputies whom ;

we expect to-morrow.

Monsieur le Moine will use the greatest possible diligence to return to you,

inasmuch as this delay is not very agreeable to him.

Dongan that they could not and to soothe you, with peaceably matters settle to wit, to what he himself had urged them to do very returned had they whence Albany to his spirit if he were dissatisfied with them for not going A letter is sent you which he has given to M. le Moine. recently. Whatever Sieur Arnaud may say, we have not neglected to send for the Oneida deputies whom ;

we expect to-morrow.

Monsieur le Moine will use the greatest possible diligence to return to you,

inasmuch as this delay is not very agreeable to him.

am always, my Lord, Your very humble and very obedient servant, J.

DE LAMBERVILLE.

FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. Onontague, 27 Sept. 1684.

My Lord,--I return here after having been delayed ten days in the Lake by very strong head winds.

A day before the Iroquois deputies met here, the Senecas sent Belts to the Iroquois villages

to declare to them that should you disembark in their country, they would attack you.

Six or seven

Mohegans (Loups) were preparing to go to the assistance of the Iroquois, as the Outaoutes were aidThe Seneca scouts have been as far as Kaionhouague, where you had concluded ing the French. The Onnontagues believed the peace, to be certain of the place at which your army had encamped. killed me. Tegannehout's arrival in this country will have calmed tor several days that they had No news have as yet been received from the Seneca. the minds in communicating your peace to them. Some say they will shortly come hither to confer on important matters. If any one come from the For there I shall inform you of whatever I will have learned. Sieur Arnaud, Mr. Dongan's deputy, has not re-appeared here since my departure from Onnonta6, though he had assured me that he should return in ten days. 'Tis said that his delay is caused by not having found his master at Orange (Albany), and that he has gone to Manath to inform him of the proceedings of the Onnontagu6 and of your arrival at Gainhouague, [Hungry Bay.] I had the honour of writing to you from the Fort whence I sent you a wampum belt from the I gave Sieur Hannataksa the belt of Wampum and the red Calumet in your name, to Tionnontates. whom I said that you would be ever obliged to him if he would turn his arms to the left of Fort St.

Dongan's deputy, has not re-appeared here since my departure from Onnonta6, though he had assured me that he should return in ten days. 'Tis said that his delay is caused by not having found his master at Orange (Albany), and that he has gone to Manath to inform him of the proceedings of the Onnontagu6 and of your arrival at Gainhouague, [Hungry Bay.] I had the honour of writing to you from the Fort whence I sent you a wampum belt from the I gave Sieur Hannataksa the belt of Wampum and the red Calumet in your name, to Tionnontates. whom I said that you would be ever obliged to him if he would turn his arms to the left of Fort St. Louis, where the Illinois are mingled with the Oumiamis, so as to give no cause of complaint. Uncertain as I was regarding matters on the side of the Senecas, and fearful that the Senecas would create confusion on arriving here, I made some presents in your name to some captains who could best curb their insolence, so as to prevent the brewing of the storm.

Your man of business, I mean La Grande Gueule, is not concerned at any thing he is a venal beI assured him that you would send him the jerkin you promised. The Cayugas who are gone to war to the borders of Merinlande and Virginia have sent home some of their warriors to say that the English had killed three of their men, and that they having taken five Englishmen alive, had cut their throats after subjecting them to some bad treatment, and ;

Your man of business, I mean La Grande Gueule, is not concerned at any thing he is a venal beI assured him that you would send him the jerkin you promised. The Cayugas who are gone to war to the borders of Merinlande and Virginia have sent home some of their warriors to say that the English had killed three of their men, and that they having taken five Englishmen alive, had cut their throats after subjecting them to some bad treatment, and ;

ing whom you do well to keep in pay.

that they were still in the English country.

After having spoken to you of others, I must acquit myself of a part of my duty, by thanking

you very humbly for all the kindnesses you have been pleased to shower on me. I should have wished you, in addition to the good health in which it pleased God to preserve you in the midst of an army weakened by diseases, greater satisfaction for the trouble you have taken for the public good. Individuals assuredly know that if you had not accepted peace, which is very favorable since no one has been killed on either side, the Colony would have been exposed to the mercy of the Iroquois who would pounce, in different directions, on defenceless settlements, the people of which they would carry off in order to pitilessly burn them. I pray God, who knows the sincerity of your intentions, to be your reward and to heap His blessings on you to the extent of the wishes of him who is

Individuals assuredly know that if you had not accepted peace, which is very favorable since no one has been killed on either side, the Colony would have been exposed to the mercy of the Iroquois who would pounce, in different directions, on defenceless settlements, the people of which they would carry off in order to pitilessly burn them. I pray God, who knows the sincerity of your intentions, to be your reward and to heap His blessings on you to the extent of the wishes of him who is

entirely,

my Lord Your very humble and very obedient servant, J.

DE LAMBERVILLE.

I told Colin that you would remember him and his comrade.

The TionnontatSs have sent to thank the Onnontagues for having, by their obliging disposition, gained you over to treat for peace, and thus preserve the fives of many, and that they were attached to Onnonthio.

[Vol. I.]

Sieur la Grande [Gueule] has pronounced your panegyric here, and professes to keep

DE LA BARHE's EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY.

the promise he made you, to cause the articles of peace to be observed.

ed this fall.

Some furs are to be collectThere is no news yet

He is treating on this subject with Hannagoge and Ganakontie\

from the Senecas.

FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. Onnontague, this 9th Octob. 1684.

My Lord, -- The message you sent here by three canoemen from Montreal shows you to be in reality a man of your word.

Sieur Grande Gueule has been informed by express, who is gone to find him

ed this fall.

Some furs are to be collectThere is no news yet

He is treating on this subject with Hannagoge and Ganakontie\

from the Senecas.

FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. Onnontague, this 9th Octob. 1684.

My Lord, -- The message you sent here by three canoemen from Montreal shows you to be in reality a man of your word.

Sieur Grande Gueule has been informed by express, who is gone to find him

from here, that you have written.

I shall cause him when he returns you to have satisfaction given you. I have spoken in his absence both privately and publicly, to influential persons and obtained promises from the chiefs and warriors that they would send two strings of wampum to the Senecas in three days to put them in mind of the word which the leader of those who pillaged the French canoes had himself brought here, from those of his own nation, that they had accepted all you had concluded at La Famine. told them what you had concluded and had ordered me to acquaint them with. The report about the thousand Illinois is a mere rumor without any foundation, and M. duLut told me at Katarakoui, that he did not believe the truth of this news besides there cannot be any apprehension that they could have dared to undertake any thing, having met neither Frenchmen nor Outaouas. All that they could make a demontration against have more fuzileers than they.

at his fishery eight leagues

I have spoken in his absence both privately and publicly, to influential persons and obtained promises from the chiefs and warriors that they would send two strings of wampum to the Senecas in three days to put them in mind of the word which the leader of those who pillaged the French canoes had himself brought here, from those of his own nation, that they had accepted all you had concluded at La Famine. told them what you had concluded and had ordered me to acquaint them with. The report about the thousand Illinois is a mere rumor without any foundation, and M. duLut told me at Katarakoui, that he did not believe the truth of this news besides there cannot be any apprehension that they could have dared to undertake any thing, having met neither Frenchmen nor Outaouas. All that they could make a demontration against have more fuzileers than they.

at his fishery eight leagues

particularly to recollect his promise to

;

A party of 40 warriors will leave here in six days to attack the Illinois whom they may find among the Chaouennons.

I have presented the Captain a shirt in your name, to exhort the

through whom he will pass, to keep their word with you. his troop towards the quarter

you forbad him.

Senecas

He has assured me that he will not lead

I notified

him as well as the others that you had

despatched a canoe to inform the Oumiamies and the Maskenses that you had included them in the peace, and that they could remain secure at the place where they had been before they were at

through whom he will pass, to keep their word with you. his troop towards the quarter

you forbad him.

Senecas

He has assured me that he will not lead

I notified

him as well as the others that you had

despatched a canoe to inform the Oumiamies and the Maskenses that you had included them in the peace, and that they could remain secure at the place where they had been before they were at

with the Iroquois.

The

Senecas shall

be equally notified of this in a few days.

sured, my Lord, that I shall spare no pains to have that satisfaction given

war

You may rest asyou which you expect

from the Iroquois. The frenchmen who came here told me that whilst you were at La Famine a false alarm reached Montreal that the Iroquois were coming; that there was nothing but horror, flight and weeping at Montreal. What would so many poor people have done in their settlements if merely six hundred Iroquois had made an irruption into the country in the condition in which it is. You form a better opinion than one hundred manufacturers of rhodomontades who were not acquainted with the Iroquois, and who reflect not that the country, such as it is, is not in a condition to defend itself.

Had I the honor to converse with you longer than your little leisure allowed me, I should

have convinced you that you could not have advanced to Paniaforontogouat [Irondequoit bay] without having been utterly defeated in the state your army was in which was rather an hospital than a camp. To attack people within their entrenchments and fight banditti in the bush will require one

You form a better opinion than one hundred manufacturers of rhodomontades who were not acquainted with the Iroquois, and who reflect not that the country, such as it is, is not in a condition to defend itself.

Had I the honor to converse with you longer than your little leisure allowed me, I should

have convinced you that you could not have advanced to Paniaforontogouat [Irondequoit bay] without having been utterly defeated in the state your army was in which was rather an hospital than a camp. To attack people within their entrenchments and fight banditti in the bush will require one

--

Then you can accomplish nothing without having a number of you already my thoughts, and believe I told you the truth, and that you deserved the title of "Liberator of the Country" by making peace at a conjuncture when you would have beheld the ruin of the country without preventing it, The Senecas had double pallisades thousand men more than you have disciplined savages.

I gave

stronger than the pickets of the fort and the first could not have been forced without great loss. Their plan was to keep only 300 men inside, and with 1200 others perpetually harass you. All the

;;

Iroquois were to collect together and fire only at the legs of your people to master them, and burn

them at their leisure and after having cut them off by a hundred ambuscades among the foliage and grass, pursue you in your retreat even to Montreal to spread desolation throughout its vicinity also and they had prepared for that purpose a quantity of canoes of eighteen men each which they kept concealed. But let us all speak of this war to thank God that He has preserved our Governor in the midst of so much sickness, and that He had compassion on Canada from which He turned away the scourge of war which would have laid it entirely desolate.

them at their leisure and after having cut them off by a hundred ambuscades among the foliage and grass, pursue you in your retreat even to Montreal to spread desolation throughout its vicinity also and they had prepared for that purpose a quantity of canoes of eighteen men each which they kept concealed. But let us all speak of this war to thank God that He has preserved our Governor in the midst of so much sickness, and that He had compassion on Canada from which He turned away the scourge of war which would have laid it entirely desolate. The English of Merinlande who had killed three Iroquois, and of whom the English Iroquois had killed five, are about to have difficulties with that belligerent nation which has already killed more than twenty-nine of their men, and has been threatened with war should it continue to insult them. We shall see what the English of that quarter will do. Garakontie returned to day from Orange, where he told by a belt of Wampum how you had given peace to the public also how Colonel Dongan had urged the Iroquois to secure it by the satisfaction winch he advised them to give you. M. Dongan left Orange when those who brought the Duke of York's Safeguards came to this place it is supposed that Arnaud's visit here to prevent the Iroquois going to see you and to get them to hold a Council at Orange, was an intrigue of the Orange merchants who feared that their trade would be diminished by a conference held with you with arms in your hands for M. Dongan had probably departed from Orange when Arnaud left to come here. ;

Dongan left Orange when those who brought the Duke of York's Safeguards came to this place it is supposed that Arnaud's visit here to prevent the Iroquois going to see you and to get them to hold a Council at Orange, was an intrigue of the Orange merchants who feared that their trade would be diminished by a conference held with you with arms in your hands for M. Dongan had probably departed from Orange when Arnaud left to come here. ;

;

;

;

What the Iroquois know is, after having heard M. Dongan who exhorted them to an arrangement with you, it was in no wise probable that on the eve of a negotiation, he should have forbidden them to visit you without his permission.

A man named La Croix, in Indian Tegaiatannhara, who answered Garakontie on behalf of the Dutch, said that had you not made peace, knowing that the Safeguards of England were on the Iroquois, 800 Englishmen and 1200 Mohegans, (Loups) who are between Merinland and New York, entirely distinct

from the Cannongageh-ronnons whom you have with you, were all ready to march

at the first word to aid the Iroquois.

This man La Croix passes with the Iroquois for a great liar

he, possibly may have advanced this of his own accord, as well as many other things he has stated,

which M. Dongan perhaps would not approve, were he acquainted with them. I thank you most humbly for having furnished an opportunity for the transportation to us of a part of our necessaries. lar,

from the Cannongageh-ronnons whom you have with you, were all ready to march

at the first word to aid the Iroquois.

This man La Croix passes with the Iroquois for a great liar

he, possibly may have advanced this of his own accord, as well as many other things he has stated,

which M. Dongan perhaps would not approve, were he acquainted with them. I thank you most humbly for having furnished an opportunity for the transportation to us of a part of our necessaries. lar,

It is a continuance of your kindness towards us and towards

me in particuwho am sincerely and with much respect, My Lord, Your very humble & very obedient Servant,

De Lamberville. I shall give La Grande Gueule your jerkin as soon as he returns here. you by Colin ten days since.

I had the honor to write to

FROM THE MINISTER TO M. BARIUM, FRENCH AMBASSADOR AT LONDON. [Paris Doc. III.] Versailles, 10 March, 1685.

Sir

--The King has learned that^the Governor of New York, instead of maintaining good correspondence with Sieur de la Barre, Governor of Canada, in conformity with the orders of the late King of England, has done what he could to prevent the Iroquois treating with him that he offered them troops to serve against the French, and that he caused standards (flags) to be planted in their villages, though these nations had been always subject to France since their country was discovered by the French, without the English objecting thereto. His Majesty desires you to present his complaints to the King of England and to demand of him precise orders to oblige this governor to confine himself within the limits of his government, and to ;

--The King has learned that^the Governor of New York, instead of maintaining good correspondence with Sieur de la Barre, Governor of Canada, in conformity with the orders of the late King of England, has done what he could to prevent the Iroquois treating with him that he offered them troops to serve against the French, and that he caused standards (flags) to be planted in their villages, though these nations had been always subject to France since their country was discovered by the French, without the English objecting thereto. His Majesty desires you to present his complaints to the King of England and to demand of him precise orders to oblige this governor to confine himself within the limits of his government, and to ;

observe different conduct towards Sieur Denonville, who said Sieur de la Barre.

is

selected

by His Majesty to succeed the

VI.

©otK

ng a n

'

ft * p

r t

THE PROVINCE OE NEW-YORK

1687.

.

GOV. DONGAN'S

REPORT

TO THE COMMITTEE OF TRADE ON THE PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK, DATED 22d FEBRUARY, 1687. [

Lond. Doc. V. ]

My Lords -- I have received the heads of inquiry your LoV sent to mee and indeed I have been as industrious as possibly I could to make myself capable of giving

am short of answering your Lo'p

s

you satisfaction.

And wherein I

expectation I question not but youl pardon it when you consider

that to give a distinct answer to several of your queries must require a longer time than I have yet

My Lords -- I have received the heads of inquiry your LoV sent to mee and indeed I have been as industrious as possibly I could to make myself capable of giving

am short of answering your Lo'p

s

you satisfaction.

And wherein I

expectation I question not but youl pardon it when you consider

that to give a distinct answer to several of your queries must require a longer time than I have yet

had since their arrival here.

However to such of them as I am at present capable to make an answer

I herein give yo r Lo'p s I hope the satisfaction required which are as follow

hi answer to the first of your Lo'ps Querys. jwSce.

The Courts of Justice are most established by Act of Assembly and they are The Court of Chancery consisting of the Governor and Council in the Supreme court of tins [

province to which appeals may be brought from any other court 2. The Assembly finding the inconvenience of bringing of y peace, Sheriffs, Constables other sons concerned from the remote parts of this government to New York did instead of the Court of p e

@

r

Assizes wliich was yearly held for the whole Government of this province erect a Court of Oyer and

Terminer to be held once every year within each County for the determining of such matters as should arise within them respectively, the members of which Court were appointed to bee one of the

The Assembly finding the inconvenience of bringing of y peace, Sheriffs, Constables other sons concerned from the remote parts of this government to New York did instead of the Court of p e

@

r

Assizes wliich was yearly held for the whole Government of this province erect a Court of Oyer and

Terminer to be held once every year within each County for the determining of such matters as should arise within them respectively, the members of which Court were appointed to bee one of the

two judges of this province assisted by three justices of the peace of that county wherein such court is

held.

Which Court of Oyer & Terminer has likewise power to hear appeals from any inferior

court

@ Albany a Court of Mayor @ Aldermen held once in every whence there can be noe appeal unless the cause of action bee above the value of Twenty Pounds, who have likewise priviledges to make such by-laws for y e regulation of their own affairs as they think fitt, soe as the same be approved of by y e Gov r @ Council. Their Mayor, Recorders, town-clerks @ Sheriffs are appointed by the Governor. There is likewise in every County twice in every year (except in New York where it is four 4. times @ in Albany where its thrice) Courts of Sessions held by the Justices of the Peace for the 3.

There is likewise in New York

fortnight from

.

resp'ive county s as in Engld. 5.

@ Albany a Court of Mayor @ Aldermen held once in every whence there can be noe appeal unless the cause of action bee above the value of Twenty Pounds, who have likewise priviledges to make such by-laws for y e regulation of their own affairs as they think fitt, soe as the same be approved of by y e Gov r @ Council. Their Mayor, Recorders, town-clerks @ Sheriffs are appointed by the Governor. There is likewise in every County twice in every year (except in New York where it is four 4. times @ in Albany where its thrice) Courts of Sessions held by the Justices of the Peace for the 3.

There is likewise in New York

fortnight from

.

resp'ive county s as in Engld. 5.

In every Town wt n y e Government there are 3 Commissioners appointed to hear and determine all matters of difference not exceeding the value of five pounds which shall happen within the respective towns. 6.

Besides these, my Lords, I finding that many great inconveniences daily hapned in the managem 1

of his Ma

@ @ of the long delay

particular concerns within this province relating to his Lands, Rents, Rights, Profits

Revenues by reason of the great distance betwixt the Cursory

settled Courts

which thereon consequently ensued besides the great hazard of venturing the matter on country

@ above that they are generally ignorant enough @ and for the most part linked in Feb. together by affinity are too much swayed by their particular humors @ interests, I thought last by @ with y advice @ consent of y Council to settle and establish a Court which we call the court of Judicature [Exchequer] to bee held before y e Gov @ Council for the time being or before such @ soe many as the Gov should for the purpose authorize, comissionat @ appoint on the first Jurors who over

@ above that they are generally ignorant enough @ and for the most part linked in Feb. together by affinity are too much swayed by their particular humors @ interests, I thought last by @ with y advice @ consent of y Council to settle and establish a Court which we call the court of Judicature [Exchequer] to bee held before y e Gov @ Council for the time being or before such @ soe many as the Gov should for the purpose authorize, comissionat @ appoint on the first Jurors who over

fit

e

c

r

r

Monday in every month at New York, which Court hath full power and authority to hear, try @

@ variances arising betwixt his Ma*y @ y e Inhabitants of the said Province concerning the said lands, rents, rights, profits @ revenues determine suits matters

In answer to the Second.

The Laws in force are y Laws called his Royal Highnesses Laws and the acts of the General Assembly the most of which I presume y r Lop s have seen @ the rest I now send over by mr e

Force.

Sprag to whom I refer your Lop 8 in this point. In answer to the Third

there are about four thousand foot @ three hundred horse besides one company which I shall bee able to give a more particular account when the Mustermaster of Dragoons of

In this Govern

shall make his return.

In answer to the Fourth

At New York there is a fortification of four bastions built formerly against the Indians of dry stone

Sprag to whom I refer your Lop 8 in this point. In answer to the Third

there are about four thousand foot @ three hundred horse besides one company which I shall bee able to give a more particular account when the Mustermaster of Dragoons of

In this Govern

shall make his return.

In answer to the Fourth

At New York there is a fortification of four bastions built formerly against the Indians of dry stone

@ earth with sods as a breast-work well @ pleasantly situated for the defence of the Harbor on a made by Hudsons River on the one side and by the sound on the other, It has Thirty-nine Gunns, two Mortar pieces, thirty JJarils of Powder five hundred ball some Bomb-shells @ Granados

point

small arms for three hundred men, one Flanker, the face of the North Bastion, and three points of

Bastions

@ a Courlin has been done @ are rebuilt by mee with lime @ mortar @ all the rest of the

Fort pinnd @ rough-cast with lime since my coming here. And the most of the Guns I found dismounted @ some of them yet continue to bee soe which I

hope to have mounted soe soon as the mills can sawe I am forced to renew all the Batterys with three-inch Plank @ have spoke for new planks for that purpose

And the breast-work upon the wall is so moultered away that its likewise needful to make a reparaThe Officers quarters had formerly a flat roof which I finding to be chargeable to maintain @ that it could not bee kept high, [qu. dry ?] have caused a new roof to bee upon it, as tion thereof.

hope to have mounted soe soon as the mills can sawe I am forced to renew all the Batterys with three-inch Plank @ have spoke for new planks for that purpose

And the breast-work upon the wall is so moultered away that its likewise needful to make a reparaThe Officers quarters had formerly a flat roof which I finding to be chargeable to maintain @ that it could not bee kept high, [qu. dry ?] have caused a new roof to bee upon it, as tion thereof.

alsoe finding water to run through the arch of the Gate I have been forc't to put a Roof over

it,

am forc't every day by reason of the roteness of the Timber @ Boards to bee making reparations in the Soldiers quarters or my own. The ground that the Fort stands upon @ that belongs to it contains in quantity about two acres or thereabouts about which I have instead of Palisadoes put a fence of Palls which is more lasting. Tho this Fortification bee inconsiderable, yet I could wish the King had severall of them in these parts, the people growing every day more numerous @ they generaly of a turbulent disposition. In this Country there is a woman yet alive from whose Loynes there are upwards of three hundred

@ sixty persons now living The men that are here have generally lusty strong bodies At Albany there is a Fort made of pine trees fifteen foot high @ foot over with Batterys and conveniences made for men to walk about, where are nine guns, small arms for forty men four Barils of powder with great and small Shott in proportion, The Timber @ Boards being rotten were renewed this year, In my opinion it were better that fort were built up of Stone @ Lime which will not be double the charge of this years repair which yet will not last above 6 or 7 years before it will require

@ sixty persons now living The men that are here have generally lusty strong bodies At Albany there is a Fort made of pine trees fifteen foot high @ foot over with Batterys and conveniences made for men to walk about, where are nine guns, small arms for forty men four Barils of powder with great and small Shott in proportion, The Timber @ Boards being rotten were renewed this year, In my opinion it were better that fort were built up of Stone @ Lime which will not be double the charge of this years repair which yet will not last above 6 or 7 years before it will require

--

GOV. EONGAN's REPORT ON

9?

THE PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK.

the like again whereas on the contrary were it built of Lime

& Stone it may bee far more easily

maintained, And truly its very necessary to have a Fort there, it being a frontier place both to the Indians

@ ffrench

At Peniaquid there is another Fort built after the same manner as I am informed a particular description whereof I am not capable of giving having never been there however its a great charge q

Fo™ nd

d

to this

Govermn without being any thing of advantage to it, having officers there with

twenty men always in pay, And which makes it yet more chargeable, I am forced to send If stores thither, altho' its near four hundred miles from this place from time to time provisions

At Peniaquid there is another Fort built after the same manner as I am informed a particular description whereof I am not capable of giving having never been there however its a great charge q

Fo™ nd

d

to this

Govermn without being any thing of advantage to it, having officers there with

twenty men always in pay, And which makes it yet more chargeable, I am forced to send If stores thither, altho' its near four hundred miles from this place from time to time provisions

@

His Maty were pleased that I might draw of the men and arms from that place with the guns being that I might have leave to put them further into the country I would place them of light carriage

@

where I will give your Lo h P an ace1 hereafter

And then if his Maty were further pleased to annex that place to Boston, being very convenient for them in regard to its vicinity affording great store of Fishery

@ Islands

fit

for that purpose lying

--

along to the eastward of them And in lieu of that to add to this Government Connecticut @ Rhode Island, Connecticut being so conveniently situate in its adjacing to us and soe inconvenient for the people of Boston by reason of its being upwards of two hundred miles distance from thence, all

Besides Connecticut as it now is takes away from us almost all the land of value that lies adjoyneing to Hudsons River

--

along to the eastward of them And in lieu of that to add to this Government Connecticut @ Rhode Island, Connecticut being so conveniently situate in its adjacing to us and soe inconvenient for the people of Boston by reason of its being upwards of two hundred miles distance from thence, all

Besides Connecticut as it now is takes away from us almost all the land of value that lies adjoyneing to Hudsons River

@ the best part of the river itself, Besides as wee found by experience if that place

bee not annexed to that Government it will bee impossible to make any thing considerable of his Ma l y s customs revenues in Long Island they carry away with 1 entring all our oyles which is the

@

greatest part of what wee have to make returns of from this place

up the river

--

:

And from Albany and that way

our Beaver & Peltry.

This Government too has an undoubted right to it by charter which his late Maty

f Blessed Memory

granted to our present King, and indeed if the form of the Government bee altered these people will rather choose to come under tins than that

Goverm 4 of Boston as y r Lo'p s will p'ceive by their present Gov ,s Ires directed to me

And as for East Jersey it being situate on the other side of Hudsons river @ between us @ where the Enst ana

west jersey.

@ having likewise the advantage @ most of the settlers there out of this Governm*. Wee are like to

granted to our present King, and indeed if the form of the Government bee altered these people will rather choose to come under tins than that

Goverm 4 of Boston as y r Lo'p s will p'ceive by their present Gov ,s Ires directed to me

And as for East Jersey it being situate on the other side of Hudsons river @ between us @ where the Enst ana

west jersey.

@ having likewise the advantage @ most of the settlers there out of this Governm*. Wee are like to

river disembogues itself into the sea paying noe custom

o ^ laying b e tt er land

bee deserted by a great many of our merchants whoe intend to settle there if not annexed to this

Government Last year two or three ships came in there with goods

@ I am sure that that Country cannot, noe

not with the help of West Jersey consume one thousand £b in goods in two years soe that the rest of their goods must

have been run into this Government without paying his Maty 8 customs and indeed

theres noe possibility of preventing it. "'

And as for Beaver @ Peltry its impossible to hinder its being carried thither, the Indians value not

the length of their journey soe as they can come to a good market, which these people can better afford than wee they paying noe custom or excise inwards or outwards.

An other inconveniency by the Governments remaining as it does is that privateers and others can come within Sandy Hook and take what Provisions @ goods they please from that side. Alsoe very often shipps bound to this place break bulk there @ run their goods into that Colony with intent afterwards to import the same privately @ at more leisure into this Province notwithstanding their oath, they salving themselves with this evasion that that place is not in this Goverm To day an Interloper landed five tun @ one half of teeth there, to prevent all which inconveniences @ for the securing of this place from enemys, I desire to have an order to make up a small Fort with twelve guns u pon Sandy -Hook the channell there being soe near the shore that noe vessel can goe in nor out but she must come soe neare the Point that from on board one might toss'a biscuit cake on shore.

Alsoe very often shipps bound to this place break bulk there @ run their goods into that Colony with intent afterwards to import the same privately @ at more leisure into this Province notwithstanding their oath, they salving themselves with this evasion that that place is not in this Goverm To day an Interloper landed five tun @ one half of teeth there, to prevent all which inconveniences @ for the securing of this place from enemys, I desire to have an order to make up a small Fort with twelve guns u pon Sandy -Hook the channell there being soe near the shore that noe vessel can goe in nor out but she must come soe neare the Point that from on board one might toss'a biscuit cake on shore.

,

[Vol.

I.J

gov. If the Proprietors would rightly consider it they would find it to their own interest that that place

should bee annexed to this Government for they are at a greater charge for maintaining the present

Goverm than the whole profits of the Province (which is by quit-rents) will amount unto

are at the whole charge the Country allowing nothing towards

its support soe that

;

for they

had they not the

charge of the Goverm', they might put that money into their own pockets.

And indeed to make Amboy a port will be no less inconvenient for the reasons afore mentioned neighboring colon)' s being not come to that P'fection but that one fort may sufficiently serve us all

Goverm than the whole profits of the Province (which is by quit-rents) will amount unto

are at the whole charge the Country allowing nothing towards

its support soe that

;

for they

had they not the

charge of the Goverm', they might put that money into their own pockets.

And indeed to make Amboy a port will be no less inconvenient for the reasons afore mentioned neighboring colon)' s being not come to that P'fection but that one fort may sufficiently serve us all

We in this Government look upon that bay that runs into the Sea at Sandy Hook to be Hudsons River therefore there being a clause in my instructions directing mee that I cause all vessels Pai ai iandy

that come into Hudson's River to enter at

New York I desire to know whether his Mat y

intends thereby those vessels that come Avithin Sandy-Hook, the people of East-Jersey pretending a right to the river soe farr as their province extends which is eighteen miles up the river to the northward of this place

West Jersey remaining as it does will be no less inconvenient to this Goverm

for the same reasons

@ that so near situate to us that its more for their convenience to have commerce here than any where else, @ under those circumstances that if as East Jersey, they both making but one neck of land

there were a warr either with Christians or Indians they would not bee able to defend themselves

intends thereby those vessels that come Avithin Sandy-Hook, the people of East-Jersey pretending a right to the river soe farr as their province extends which is eighteen miles up the river to the northward of this place

West Jersey remaining as it does will be no less inconvenient to this Goverm

for the same reasons

@ that so near situate to us that its more for their convenience to have commerce here than any where else, @ under those circumstances that if as East Jersey, they both making but one neck of land

there were a warr either with Christians or Indians they would not bee able to defend themselves

without the assistance of this Goverm 1

.

To bee short, there is an absolute necessity those provinces and that of Connecticut be annexed The three lower Countys of Pennsylvania have been a dependency on this place @ a great many of the inhabitants persons that removed thither from this Goverm and I doe not believe it was Ms

intention to annex it to Pennsylvania, nor to have

it subject to the same laws it being the Pen there has been of great detriment to this place in hindring the Tobacco to come hither as formerly, for then there came two shipps for one that comes now Beaver @ Peltry taking up but small Stowage in shipps

Maty

s

King's own land, the doing whereof by mr

;

And indeed it were in my opinion very necessary for the advantage of this place @ increase of his Mat> revenues that it were soe ordered that the Tobacco of these countrys may bee imported hither s

it subject to the same laws it being the Pen there has been of great detriment to this place in hindring the Tobacco to come hither as formerly, for then there came two shipps for one that comes now Beaver @ Peltry taking up but small Stowage in shipps

Maty

s

King's own land, the doing whereof by mr

;

And indeed it were in my opinion very necessary for the advantage of this place @ increase of his Mat> revenues that it were soe ordered that the Tobacco of these countrys may bee imported hither s

without paying there the duty of one penny p r pound and then wee should not bee at such streights for returns, their trade would much increase, and this place become a magazin for the Neighboring

@ care taken that the Tobacco bee duly returned to England whereas now a great part of it goes another way @ soe its very necessary that the Collector of tins place should be Collector of provinces,

that River for the enumerated commodity s, And wee will have such regard to the advantage of this

port that we'el suffer noe fraud to bee committed there nor noe Tobacco to be exported but what goes either directly for England or this place.

Besides wee find the contrary to bee very inconvenient in this that whereas formerly the damnified

Tobacco which came from thence not fit for England wee made up in rolls and sent y c same up the River to the Indians who in Exchange gave in Beaver @ Peltry, for want whereof his Maty 8 revenue here is much impaired inasmuch as the Indians are therefore forct either to Plant the tobacco themselves or to goe where they can be furnished with it

Besides wee find the contrary to bee very inconvenient in this that whereas formerly the damnified

Tobacco which came from thence not fit for England wee made up in rolls and sent y c same up the River to the Indians who in Exchange gave in Beaver @ Peltry, for want whereof his Maty 8 revenue here is much impaired inasmuch as the Indians are therefore forct either to Plant the tobacco themselves or to goe where they can be furnished with it

@ there carry their beavor @ peltry (they being

of that temper that they had rather want clothes than Tobacco) by which Meanes his Maty s revenue sustains a double loss, one in the ten pe r cent such tobacco pays custom up the river

the custom of such Beaver

@ the other in

@ peltry as the same would produce

Further if Pennsylvania bee continued as by charter running five degrees to the westward it will take in the most of the five nations that lye to the westward of Albany

@ the whole Beaver @ Peltry

trade of that place the consequence whereof will be the depopulation of this Goverm1 for the people

must follow the trade.

Those Indians and the people of this Goverm 1 have been in continued peace

@ amity one with another these fifty years

And those Indians about forty years agoe did annex

GOV. DONGAN'S REPORT ON THE PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK. their lands to this Governm 1

@ have ever since constantly renewed the same with every Governor @ the English @ in particular to myself who have

trade of that place the consequence whereof will be the depopulation of this Goverm1 for the people

must follow the trade.

Those Indians and the people of this Goverm 1 have been in continued peace

@ amity one with another these fifty years

And those Indians about forty years agoe did annex

GOV. DONGAN'S REPORT ON THE PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK. their lands to this Governm 1

@ have ever since constantly renewed the same with every Governor @ the English @ in particular to myself who have

that has been here both in the time of the Dutch

given them largely in consideration of their lands And I am certainly informed that they have declared they will go

@ live on y other side of the lake than be under any other Goverm on this than e

ours, Endeavors have been used (tho to noe purpose) to p'suade some of our Traders who speak the

language to goe and live upon the Susquehanna river tho I cannot yet find out by whom this has

been made.

The five Indian nations are the most warlike people in America, @ are a bulwark between us @ @ all other Indians they goe as far as the South Sea the North West passage @ Florida towarr. New England in their last warrwith the Indians had been ruined had not Sr Edmund Andros the French

sent some of those nations to their assistance, and indeed they are soe considerable that all the Indians in these parts of America are tributary to them.

The five Indian nations are the most warlike people in America, @ are a bulwark between us @ @ all other Indians they goe as far as the South Sea the North West passage @ Florida towarr. New England in their last warrwith the Indians had been ruined had not Sr Edmund Andros the French

sent some of those nations to their assistance, and indeed they are soe considerable that all the Indians in these parts of America are tributary to them.

I suffer no Christians to converse with them

any where but at Albany @ that not without my Since I came here the people of Boston have sent them presents in acknouledgement of their favor @ friendship. @ I was forc't to goe with my Lord Efiingham to bury his hatchet and theirs which is license

their way of making a peace I have sent herewith what the nations that

conquered the Susquehannas desired of the

r°

King in my Lord Effingham's presence and I believe it to be of dangerous consequence if denyed This Governm has always been and still is at a great charge to keep them peaceable @ annexed to this government which is of that moment that upon any occasion I can have three or four thousand «ai'and present-

'

-

of their men at a call.

cannot believe that ever it was the King's intention to grant away soe considerable a part of this

government which has been so long appropriated to it @ even the people think it as a part for the Beaver

King in my Lord Effingham's presence and I believe it to be of dangerous consequence if denyed This Governm has always been and still is at a great charge to keep them peaceable @ annexed to this government which is of that moment that upon any occasion I can have three or four thousand «ai'and present-

'

-

of their men at a call.

cannot believe that ever it was the King's intention to grant away soe considerable a part of this

government which has been so long appropriated to it @ even the people think it as a part for the Beaver

Trade.

@

@

ancient neighwould be much troubled at a separation from soe good of themselves ° r bours that at first of their own free wills become soe and have ever since continued with

such constancy to desire and maintain a mutual friendship and correspondence

Ma*y were pleased to have a fine run from 41 d and 40 m in Delaware River

If therefore his

to the Falls

upon the

Susquehanna and to let Mr. Pen keep all below that it would be sufficient for him the bounds below it being

conjectured to contain more than all England besides the louer Countys which

is

near upon

100 miles from the Cape up the river ; and in bredth more than 30 miles as is generally beleeved

To preserve the Beaver @ Peltry trade for this @ Albany and to be an encouragement to our I desire I may have order to erect a Campayne Fort upon Delaware River in 41

Pen keep all below that it would be sufficient for him the bounds below it being

conjectured to contain more than all England besides the louer Countys which

is

near upon

100 miles from the Cape up the river ; and in bredth more than 30 miles as is generally beleeved

To preserve the Beaver @ Peltry trade for this @ Albany and to be an encouragement to our I desire I may have order to erect a Campayne Fort upon Delaware River in 41

Beaver hunters

m

;

minate.

<i

another upon the Susquehanna where his Maty shall think

Mr. Penns bounds

fit

shall ter-

And another at Oneigra near the great lake in the way where our people goe a Beaver

hunting or trading or any where else where I shall think convenient it being very necessary for the support of Trade, maintaining a correspondence with the further Indians,

@ in securing our right in

the country the French making a pretence as far as the Bay of Mexico, for which they have no other

argument than that they have had possession this twenty years by their fathers living so long among the Indians they have fathers still among the five nations aforementioned viz. the Maquaes, Sinicaes,

Cayouges, Oneides, and Onondagues

@ have converted many of them to the Christian Faith @ doe

their utmost to draw tliem to Canada, to which place there are already 6 or 700 retired

and more

have done my endeavours @ nave one ar so ^ * n " tnat * h ave prevailed with the Indians to consent to come back from § Indian* from

argument than that they have had possession this twenty years by their fathers living so long among the Indians they have fathers still among the five nations aforementioned viz. the Maquaes, Sinicaes,

Cayouges, Oneides, and Onondagues

@ have converted many of them to the Christian Faith @ doe

their utmost to draw tliem to Canada, to which place there are already 6 or 700 retired

and more

have done my endeavours @ nave one ar so ^ * n " tnat * h ave prevailed with the Indians to consent to come back from § Indian* from

like to doe, to the great prejudice of this Goverm 4 if not prevented.

Canada on condition that I procure for them a piece of land

called Serachtague lying upon

@ there furnish them with priests. Thereupon and upon a petition of the people of Albany to mee setting forth the reasonableness and conveniency of granting to the Indians there requests I have procured the land for them, altho Hudson's River about 40 miles above Albany

gov. dongan's report on the PROVINCE OF NEW- YORK.

it has been formerly

patented to people at Albany

@ have promised the Indians that they shall have

them a church @ have assured the people of Albany that I would adas to your Lo'p s that care may bee taken to send over by the first five or six it being

priests and that I will build

dress his Ma4

>'

a matter of great consequence.

@

gov. dongan's report on the PROVINCE OF NEW- YORK.

it has been formerly

patented to people at Albany

@ have promised the Indians that they shall have

them a church @ have assured the people of Albany that I would adas to your Lo'p s that care may bee taken to send over by the first five or six it being

priests and that I will build

dress his Ma4

>'

a matter of great consequence.

@

those at a great distance from These Indians have about 10 or 12 castles (as they term them) one another, soe that there is an absolute necessity of having soe many priests, that there bee three the rest to live with those that are Christians, By that always travelling from castle to castle,

@

means the French Priests will be obliged to retire to Canada, whereby the French will be divested of their pretence to y e Country @ then wee shall enjoy that trade without any fear of being diverted, About 30 years ago I find a very small matter will serue the French for a pretence of right. 6 or 700 of them taking advantage of the Indians being abroad soe farr as Cape Florida at warr came

down @ burnt a castle of the Maquaes wherein there were none but old men women @ children which the rest of the Indians hearing pursued the French to a place called Sconectade about 20 miles above Albany where they had every man been cut off' had not one Corlarr (a Dutchman so beloved of the Indians that in memory of him they call all Governors by that name) interposed However from that time they have fancied to themselves that they have a right to the country so farr as that place

down @ burnt a castle of the Maquaes wherein there were none but old men women @ children which the rest of the Indians hearing pursued the French to a place called Sconectade about 20 miles above Albany where they had every man been cut off' had not one Corlarr (a Dutchman so beloved of the Indians that in memory of him they call all Governors by that name) interposed However from that time they have fancied to themselves that they have a right to the country so farr as that place

The great difference between us is about the Beaver trade and in truth they have the advantage of U9 in it @ that by noe other meanes than by their industry in making discoveries in the country before us.

Before my coming hither noe man of our Governm* ever went beyond the Sinicaes country,

Last

year some of our people went a trading among the farr Indians called the Ottowais inhabiting about W. N. W. of Albany from whence they brought a good many three months journey to the West

@

They found their people more inclined to trade with them than the French the French not being able to protect them from the arms of our Indians, with whom they have had a continued warr, soe that our Indians brought away this very last year, a great many prisoners, Last week I sent for some of our Indians to New York where when they came I obtained a promise Beavers.

W. of Albany from whence they brought a good many three months journey to the West

@

They found their people more inclined to trade with them than the French the French not being able to protect them from the arms of our Indians, with whom they have had a continued warr, soe that our Indians brought away this very last year, a great many prisoners, Last week I sent for some of our Indians to New York where when they came I obtained a promise Beavers.

from them that some of themselves would goe along with such of our people as goe from Albany & Esopus to there far nations @ carry with them the captives they haue prisoners in order to the restoring them to their liberty

@ and bury their hatchetts with those of their enemys by which means a

path may be opened for these farr Indians to come with safety to trade at Albany, and our people goe thither without any let or disturbance. I hear

the French have built a Wooden Fort or two in the Way thither

cers with

@ that there are two offimen in them to obstruct our passage, I am sending a Scotch Gent called M c Greger (that

served formerly in France) along with our people, he has orders not to disturb or meddle with the

French and I hope they will not meddle with him, Ever since my coming hither it has been no small trouble to keep the Sinicaes from making warr upon the French, Monsieur De la Barr was very hot upon it @ brought a great many men to a place called Cadaraque lying on the lake with intent to

served formerly in France) along with our people, he has orders not to disturb or meddle with the

French and I hope they will not meddle with him, Ever since my coming hither it has been no small trouble to keep the Sinicaes from making warr upon the French, Monsieur De la Barr was very hot upon it @ brought a great many men to a place called Cadaraque lying on the lake with intent to

on the Indians, who hearing of it came to me for leave to enter Canade with fire @ sword, which immediately I wro 4 to La Barr @ let him know that those Indians were his Maty 3 of Great Britain's subjects @ that he must not molest them @ that if the Indians had done the

fall

I refused to permit but

Governm1 of Canada any injury, upon his making the same appear, I would cause that hee should have satisfaction as also I sent the arms of his Royal Highness now his Majesty to bee put up in each castle as far as Oneigra which was accordingly done, @ thereupon De la Barr retired without doing anything after having been at vast expense and all to no purpose.

The new Governor Mons r de Nonville has written mee that hee desires to have a very good correspondence with this Governm @ I hope hee will bee as good as his word, notwithstanding he

put a great deal of provisions into @ keeps four or five hundred men at Cadaraque

Governm1 of Canada any injury, upon his making the same appear, I would cause that hee should have satisfaction as also I sent the arms of his Royal Highness now his Majesty to bee put up in each castle as far as Oneigra which was accordingly done, @ thereupon De la Barr retired without doing anything after having been at vast expense and all to no purpose.

The new Governor Mons r de Nonville has written mee that hee desires to have a very good correspondence with this Governm @ I hope hee will bee as good as his word, notwithstanding he

put a great deal of provisions into @ keeps four or five hundred men at Cadaraque

GOV. DONGAN's REPORT ON THE PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK.

Last spring he sent one De la Croa with fifty soldiers

@ one hundred young men of Canada to the

North West passage where as I am certainly informed from Canada they have taken three forts. About two years since there came a thousand men from France to Canada with the new Gov @ three hundred came the year after. But the most part of them as I hear are since dead the country proving We need not feare them soe long as the Indians continue to bee our friends @, the too cold for them. if can less we prevail with the Indians that are Christians to come from them to us, they being generally the youngest @ lustiest men. Last year there was a list brought into the new Gov of 17000 French Inhabitants in The number Canada. ° Canada, men women @ children of which 3000 fit to bear arms. It will be very necessary for us to encourage our young men to goe a Beaver hunting as the French doe.

But the most part of them as I hear are since dead the country proving We need not feare them soe long as the Indians continue to bee our friends @, the too cold for them. if can less we prevail with the Indians that are Christians to come from them to us, they being generally the youngest @ lustiest men. Last year there was a list brought into the new Gov of 17000 French Inhabitants in The number Canada. ° Canada, men women @ children of which 3000 fit to bear arms. It will be very necessary for us to encourage our young men to goe a Beaver hunting as the French doe. I send a

Map by Mr. Spragg whereby your LopP may see the several Governm ts &c how they lye s

@ where it will be necessary to erect our Country Forts for the securing @ keeping the Indians in community with us

Avhere the Beaver hunting is

of beaver trade

Alsoe it points out where theres a great river discovered by one Lassal a Frenchman from Canada and as its reported brought two or three vessels with people to who thereupon went into France

@

settle there which (if true) will prove not only very inconvenient to us but to the Spanish alsoe (the

by the back of Virginia @ Carolina into the Bay Mexico) @ can bee far from the mountains adjoining to it that place being in 36d Nova Mexico not its beleeved river running all along from our lakes

Alsoe it points out where theres a great river discovered by one Lassal a Frenchman from Canada and as its reported brought two or three vessels with people to who thereupon went into France

@

settle there which (if true) will prove not only very inconvenient to us but to the Spanish alsoe (the

by the back of Virginia @ Carolina into the Bay Mexico) @ can bee far from the mountains adjoining to it that place being in 36d Nova Mexico not its beleeved river running all along from our lakes

North Latitude if your Lop s thought it fit I could send a sloop or two from this place to discover that river.

In answer to the Fifth

This query is for the most part answered in the precedent what is not answered followeth

The strength of our neighbors

.

here

Connecticut according to the nearest conjecture I can make may have about 3000 men able to bear

arms In it there are but few Indians having been generally destroyed or removed into this government in the time of the last warrs

They have but a small trade, what they have is to the West-Indies Boston and this place. They have not above a Ketch or two and about 6 or 7 sloops belonging to the place. The country is very good accommodated with several good harbors @ two considerable rivers New London is @ very good harbor for shipping where they may ride secure from all winds As for their timber its the same as ours here

They have but a small trade, what they have is to the West-Indies Boston and this place. They have not above a Ketch or two and about 6 or 7 sloops belonging to the place. The country is very good accommodated with several good harbors @ two considerable rivers New London is @ very good harbor for shipping where they may ride secure from all winds As for their timber its the same as ours here

To the Sixth

The Correspondence wee hold with our neighbors is very amicable @ good wee on all occasions doing to each other all the offices of Friendship @ Service wee cann which has soe much endeared them to us that they desire nothing more than to be a part of this Goverm 4 those of Connecticut choosing farr rather to come under this Goverm 1 than that of Boston for the reasons afore mentioned :

and the Jerseys wishing the like as having once been a part of us.

And seeing that in this separation they are not soe easy nor safe, as they might expect to bee, were they fe-united to us

To the Seventh

^ s answered in the answer to the Fourth *

aTmes Ac

To the Eighth h

,he

bo U ndanes

For the longitude latitude and contents of this Govern^ I refer yo r Lop 8 to the afore mentioned Map wherein you will see in what narrow bounds we are cooped up The land of tins Goverment is generally barren rocky land except the land wee have right to on the Susquehanna river @ up into the country amongst our Indians where there are great quantities lamude &£

To the Eighth h

,he

bo U ndanes

For the longitude latitude and contents of this Govern^ I refer yo r Lop 8 to the afore mentioned Map wherein you will see in what narrow bounds we are cooped up The land of tins Goverment is generally barren rocky land except the land wee have right to on the Susquehanna river @ up into the country amongst our Indians where there are great quantities lamude &£

very good

GOV. DONGAN'S REPORT ON THE PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK.

What was good @ did lye convenient and near the sea for y e most part is taken from us by Connecticut East and West Jersey

What is left is pretty well settled, as your Lop s will perceive by the list of patents Mr. Sprag has with him

When I came to the Goverment, I found very little quit-rent reserved to his Ma*y however I have got the people with their own consent to the payment of a certainty as yo r Lop s may perceive by the

Such as pay noe quit-rents I bring into the aforementioned court for Ms Maty rents @ revenues where in a short time they are easily induced to doe it, @ I hope his mentioned list of patents.

afore

Maty w jil have considerable revenue by it To the Ninth

The principal towns within the Goverm are New York Albany @ Kingston at Esopus All the rest are country villages the buildings in New-York @ Albany are generally of stone @ brick.

Such as pay noe quit-rents I bring into the aforementioned court for Ms Maty rents @ revenues where in a short time they are easily induced to doe it, @ I hope his mentioned list of patents.

afore

Maty w jil have considerable revenue by it To the Ninth

The principal towns within the Goverm are New York Albany @ Kingston at Esopus All the rest are country villages the buildings in New-York @ Albany are generally of stone @ brick.

What are the

^

,

In the country the houses are mostly new built, having two or three rooms on a floor

The Dutch are great improvers of land New York @ Albany live wholly upon trade with the Indians England and the West Indies. The returns for England are generally Beaver Peltry Oile @ Tobacco when we can have it. To the West Indies we send Flower, Bread Pease pork @ sometimes horses the return from thence for the most part is rumm which pays the King a considerable excise @ some molasses which serves the people to make drink @ pays noe custom There are about nine of ten three mast vessels of about 80 or 100 tons burthen two or three ketches © Barks of about 40 Tun and about twenty sloops of about twenty or five @ twenty Tunn ships & principal

;

:

vessels.

belonging to the Goverm 1

All of which trade for England Holland

@ the West Indies ex-

@ that way any The Tenth is answered in the answers to the four @ twentieth &e

To the West Indies we send Flower, Bread Pease pork @ sometimes horses the return from thence for the most part is rumm which pays the King a considerable excise @ some molasses which serves the people to make drink @ pays noe custom There are about nine of ten three mast vessels of about 80 or 100 tons burthen two or three ketches © Barks of about 40 Tun and about twenty sloops of about twenty or five @ twenty Tunn ships & principal

;

:

vessels.

belonging to the Goverm 1

All of which trade for England Holland

@ the West Indies ex-

@ that way any The Tenth is answered in the answers to the four @ twentieth &e

cept six or seven sloops that use the river trade to Albany

P a°rilh'e s

Precints

7b the Eleventh

A thousand ships may ride here safe from winds @ weather, I send herewith to your Lodp a Map from the coming in of Sandy Hook to the northermost end of this Island wherein the

what rivers

@ conveniency of tins @ roads but on the south

roads&c

Soundings are markt by which youil perceive the coming in

harbor

Quit along the north side of Long Island are very good harbors

side none at all

To the Twelfth what commodity &c

What account I can at present give of this is for the most part contained in my answer tQ the fourtl]l

f y 0ur LoP s Queries

To the Thirteenth

what rivers

@ conveniency of tins @ roads but on the south

roads&c

Soundings are markt by which youil perceive the coming in

harbor

Quit along the north side of Long Island are very good harbors

side none at all

To the Twelfth what commodity &c

What account I can at present give of this is for the most part contained in my answer tQ the fourtl]l

f y 0ur LoP s Queries

To the Thirteenth

Both our neighbors and wee have conveniency sufficient either for transporting timber or building Lodp think fit, I will send over boards of what dimensions you And for tryal if your

What timber

mast & other please materials

*

I have for the Batteries cost me fifteen shillings the three inch planks u the hundred

foot

To the Fourteenth I will make a diligent enquiry I can give y Lo noe account at present but by the next I may. s knowledge I will acquaint whether salt about it @ when I have got any thing worthy of your Lop Pe,re&c you with it e

To the Fifteenth Concerning the number of the Inhabitants merchants English @ Foreigners, Servants Slaves @ how give an exact account but in order to my being able to bear arms it is not possible to ° manv

What number

of inhabitants certainly

informed I have issued forth several warrants to the Sheriffs within this goverment

gov. dongan's report on the PROVINCE OF NEW- YORK.

requiring them to make an inquiry thereof

To the Fourteenth I will make a diligent enquiry I can give y Lo noe account at present but by the next I may. s knowledge I will acquaint whether salt about it @ when I have got any thing worthy of your Lop Pe,re&c you with it e

To the Fifteenth Concerning the number of the Inhabitants merchants English @ Foreigners, Servants Slaves @ how give an exact account but in order to my being able to bear arms it is not possible to ° manv

What number

of inhabitants certainly

informed I have issued forth several warrants to the Sheriffs within this goverment

gov. dongan's report on the PROVINCE OF NEW- YORK.

requiring them to make an inquiry thereof

@ to return the same to mee on which returns I shall not

fail to give your LodP the account required. s

To the Sixteenth I believe for these 7 years last past, there

has not come over into this province twenty English

But on the contrary on Long Island the people encrease soe fast for want of land @ many remove from thence into the neighboring complain that they scowif Irish have been since my coming here several familys come both there French But of have°c ome to'province.

what number Scotch or Irish familys. r

'

*c

from St Christophers & England @ a great many more are expected as alsoe from Holland is another great argument of the necessity of adding to this

are come several Dutch familys which

But on the contrary on Long Island the people encrease soe fast for want of land @ many remove from thence into the neighboring complain that they scowif Irish have been since my coming here several familys come both there French But of have°c ome to'province.

what number Scotch or Irish familys. r

'

*c

from St Christophers & England @ a great many more are expected as alsoe from Holland is another great argument of the necessity of adding to this

are come several Dutch familys which

Goverm 1 the neighboring English Colonys, that a more equal ballance may be kept between his Maty 8 naturall born subjects and foreigners which latter are the most prevailing part of this Government I send herewith a petition of the new come naturalized French ha '

For Answer to the Seventeenth fy Eighteenth

numbef o7

s I must refer your Lop to

chnsteumgs

b£r of peopfrdesired account

dyed 4c

my next by which time I doubt not but to be able to give y e

having to that end issued forth the like warrant to the Sheriff as aforesaid To the Nineteenth

As concerning y

e

vessels belonging to this place

it is

already answered in the answer

y Lop ninth Querie @ for others they are but few which are either from England New England or the West Indies

er shipslwde of

r

To the Twentieth what ob-

What obstructions do you find to the improvement of trade &c.

mruclions &c

having to that end issued forth the like warrant to the Sheriff as aforesaid To the Nineteenth

As concerning y

e

vessels belonging to this place

it is

already answered in the answer

y Lop ninth Querie @ for others they are but few which are either from England New England or the West Indies

er shipslwde of

r

To the Twentieth what ob-

What obstructions do you find to the improvement of trade &c.

mruclions &c

a great obstruction to our trade is the hindring the importing Tobacco from the three lower

Ans.

Countys in Delaware as I have already given your Lop* an account in answer to the fifth of your queries It is likewise a great hindrance to our trade here

@ an inconveniency to the ships that come out of

England and the fishery that his Maty keeps not an officer at Newfoundland for formerly there went every year Sloops with provisions thither @ gave the provisions in exchange for their fish who again sold them to the Shipps for Bills of Exchange to England which

made good returns from this place

procuring back from England English goods which paid his Maty custom there

For the regulation of our trade we have made several rules among ourselves, the chief of which the product of Europe or West Indies bee imported into this province unless it

is that noe goods of

were directly from England or such part of the West Indies where such commoditys were produced, without paying as a custom to his Maty 10 pr cent To the one and Twentieth What advantage or improvements

procuring back from England English goods which paid his Maty custom there

For the regulation of our trade we have made several rules among ourselves, the chief of which the product of Europe or West Indies bee imported into this province unless it

is that noe goods of

were directly from England or such part of the West Indies where such commoditys were produced, without paying as a custom to his Maty 10 pr cent To the one and Twentieth What advantage or improvements

may be gained to

answered in the foregoing answers This querie is sufficiently x " "

your trade

To the two and Twentieth concerning the Revenue 8 a

dmyt&o"

"

I shall give your Lop s an exact answer to this querie as its possible for me, and

wherein

am deficient I shall acquaint your Lop s with the true causes of it

The Revenue except that of the Quit-Rents has been settled upon his Maty then his Royal Highness @ his heirs by act of Assembly payable in manner following viz 1 For every Gallon of Rum Brandy @ distilled liquors to bee imported into the province @ its dependencys fou pence currant money of the province For every pipe of Madera, Fyal St George Canary Malaga Sherry @ all sweet wines the summ of forty shillings currant money aforesaid

gov.

Upon all other merchandizes imported into the province @ dependencys the summ of forty shillings currant money aforesaid for every hundred pounds valued at the prime cost except those hereafter specified viz 1 Salt, Brick, Pan-tyles, Coals, Fish, Sugar Molasses, Cottonwool Ginger, Logwood, brasalette, ffustyk

The Revenue except that of the Quit-Rents has been settled upon his Maty then his Royal Highness @ his heirs by act of Assembly payable in manner following viz 1 For every Gallon of Rum Brandy @ distilled liquors to bee imported into the province @ its dependencys fou pence currant money of the province For every pipe of Madera, Fyal St George Canary Malaga Sherry @ all sweet wines the summ of forty shillings currant money aforesaid

gov.

Upon all other merchandizes imported into the province @ dependencys the summ of forty shillings currant money aforesaid for every hundred pounds valued at the prime cost except those hereafter specified viz 1 Salt, Brick, Pan-tyles, Coals, Fish, Sugar Molasses, Cottonwool Ginger, Logwood, brasalette, ffustyk

west- India hydes, Tobacco bullion

@ Plate

Upon all merchandize commonly called Indian Goods as Duffels, Strouds, Blanketts, plains, halfthicks, Woolen Stokins, White Ozenbriggs, kettles, hatchetts, hoes, Red Lead, vermilion, Cotton, Red Kersey, Knives, Indian Haberdashery @ other Indian goods the summ of ten pounds currant money aforesaid for every hundred pounds value prime cost carried up Hudsons river in any vessel sloops boats or canoes or any other way

Upon every baril of powder twelve shillings Upon every lb. weight of lead six shillings For every Gun or Gun Baril with a lock six shillings For every Gall', of Rum, Brandy or distilld Liquors that shall bee carried up Hudsons river aforesaid four pence currant money aforesaid And likewise by the said act is settled upon his Maty, his heirs @ successors an excise upon all liquors (beer and cyder excepted) retailed under five gallons the sum of twelve pence currant money, aforesaid within y e city @ county of New York per gallon as alsoe the excise of twelve pence currant money aforesaid upon each gallon of liquor carried up Hudsons river.

Upon every baril of powder twelve shillings Upon every lb. weight of lead six shillings For every Gun or Gun Baril with a lock six shillings For every Gall', of Rum, Brandy or distilld Liquors that shall bee carried up Hudsons river aforesaid four pence currant money aforesaid And likewise by the said act is settled upon his Maty, his heirs @ successors an excise upon all liquors (beer and cyder excepted) retailed under five gallons the sum of twelve pence currant money, aforesaid within y e city @ county of New York per gallon as alsoe the excise of twelve pence currant money aforesaid upon each gallon of liquor carried up Hudsons river. And also an excise of twelve pence on liquors retailed throughout the whole province

As alsoe the custom

@ Depencies (beer and cyder only excepted)

@ duty upon every beaver skin commonly called a whole Beaver, nine pence

And that all other furs @ peltry bee valued accordingly that is for two half beavers nine pence for four lapps nine pence three drillings one shilling sixpence ten ratoons ninepence four foxes nine-

@ twenty mees-catts nine pence, ten mailers @ Deer Skin ninepence. And all other Peltry to be valued equivalent to the whole beaver exported out of this Province (bull @ cowhides excepted) And alsoe that all Indian traders throughout the whole province @ dependencies doe pay for the

pence, four fishers nine pence, five catts ninepence, four

nine pence, twenty-four pounds of Moose

value of each hundred pounds prime cost they traffick with the Indians

@ twenty mees-catts nine pence, ten mailers @ Deer Skin ninepence. And all other Peltry to be valued equivalent to the whole beaver exported out of this Province (bull @ cowhides excepted) And alsoe that all Indian traders throughout the whole province @ dependencies doe pay for the

pence, four fishers nine pence, five catts ninepence, four

nine pence, twenty-four pounds of Moose

value of each hundred pounds prime cost they traffick with the Indians

for, ten

pounds money

aforesaid.

And for all Beer @ Sider retailed throughout the Province @ dependencies six shillings per baril, and for each baril of beer or sider that is sold to the Indians six shillings as if retailed As for the Quit Rents at my arrival they were very inconsiderable most made by S r Edmund Andros, Quit Rents the greatest part whereof in Delaware River the most part of the patents granted by my predecessors were without any reservation of any Quit-Rents or acknowledgement to his Ma'y or very inconsiderable such as several of S r Edmond Andros's grants to great townships reserving the were but confirmations of former grants @ Indian purchases, These Quit-rent of our Land only

@

people have renewed their patents under a greater Quit-Rent as will appear by the list sent herewith

most of these patents granted by mee were confirmations alsoe The methods that I took for the obliging them to this was finding several .

.

townships not purchased of the Indians and soe at his Maty 8 disposal.

And for all Beer @ Sider retailed throughout the Province @ dependencies six shillings per baril, and for each baril of beer or sider that is sold to the Indians six shillings as if retailed As for the Quit Rents at my arrival they were very inconsiderable most made by S r Edmund Andros, Quit Rents the greatest part whereof in Delaware River the most part of the patents granted by my predecessors were without any reservation of any Quit-Rents or acknowledgement to his Ma'y or very inconsiderable such as several of S r Edmond Andros's grants to great townships reserving the were but confirmations of former grants @ Indian purchases, These Quit-rent of our Land only

@

people have renewed their patents under a greater Quit-Rent as will appear by the list sent herewith

most of these patents granted by mee were confirmations alsoe The methods that I took for the obliging them to this was finding several .

.

townships not purchased of the Indians and soe at his Maty 8 disposal.

tracts of land in their

They were willing rather to

submit to a greater Quit Rent than have that unpurchased land disposed of to others than themselves The persons that have had the collection receipt @ management of his Maty' 8 revenue for these

@ upwards are Mr Lucas Santen by commission from his Ma*y then his Royal High@ Receiver. John Smith one that he brought out of England was his deputy bookkeeper @ surveyor for about three years @ one John Harlow a servant of his, waiter @ searcher

submit to a greater Quit Rent than have that unpurchased land disposed of to others than themselves The persons that have had the collection receipt @ management of his Maty' 8 revenue for these

@ upwards are Mr Lucas Santen by commission from his Ma*y then his Royal High@ Receiver. John Smith one that he brought out of England was his deputy bookkeeper @ surveyor for about three years @ one John Harlow a servant of his, waiter @ searcher

three years past ness, Collector

santon

I gave order to

Mr Santon that for the good management of this small revenue to y e best

advantage hee should not make any journey into the country on pretence of the King's business

GOV. DONGAN'S REPORT ON THE PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK.

whereby to put him to charge, but that when any thing occurred hee should acquaint mee with it that I might order the sheriffs or Justices of the Peace of the Place to take care of it.

And alsoe

went up to Albany myself on purpose to settle his Maty business there where I made one Robert th @ pay into Mr Santer w l money he sho d Livingstone Collector @ Receiver, with order to ace' w s per Pound of all such moneys as should pass through his hands* receive for which he was to have I @ alsoe made him Clerk of the Town that both places together might afford him a competent mains

tenance

At Esopus one Thomas Garton was by Mr Santon made collector @ receiver who as I find by Mr Santons account had not accounted with him for these three years past. Upon wch I was forct to send an order of Council for his coming hither with his accts who when hee came gave in a scrole of paper containing a confused acct of about £200. pretending that his accts together with a great deal Quit-Rents were burnt received for his Maty 3 customs excise Peltry by hini collected of corn

At Esopus one Thomas Garton was by Mr Santon made collector @ receiver who as I find by Mr Santons account had not accounted with him for these three years past. Upon wch I was forct to send an order of Council for his coming hither with his accts who when hee came gave in a scrole of paper containing a confused acct of about £200. pretending that his accts together with a great deal Quit-Rents were burnt received for his Maty 3 customs excise Peltry by hini collected of corn

@

in his house so that all the council

@ @ @ I could get from him for three years @ on half past was a bond

of £200. Since that I have set the Excise of that country alone to Mr Pawling sheriff for .£110.

As for the county of Richmond I have noe acct thereof, as your Lop s will see by the audit. And for the county of West Chester one Collins is Collector @ Receiver there, whoe (as your Lop 8 may likewise see by the audit) has not given any account only this Mr Santen tells me that in Sept last hee took two bonds for money payable in March next which I look upon to be nothing, @

--

r

all the Revenue of

that County lost the man having hardly bread to put in his mouth.

The first year there was £52. offered for the Excise of Long Island, but I thought it unreasonable being the best peopled place in this Goverm 1 @ wherein theres great consumption of Rumm @ and it therefore I gave commission to Mr Nicolls @ Mr Vaughton to gather it with whom I made this agreement that out of it they should have forty pounds, @ that they should account with Mr Santon for the remainder.

The first year there was £52. offered for the Excise of Long Island, but I thought it unreasonable being the best peopled place in this Goverm 1 @ wherein theres great consumption of Rumm @ and it therefore I gave commission to Mr Nicolls @ Mr Vaughton to gather it with whom I made this agreement that out of it they should have forty pounds, @ that they should account with Mr Santon for the remainder.

Since that for these two years past one

Henry Fillkin has been Collector @ for his pains has a

What returns he makes I referr to the audit most part of the people of that Island especially towards the East end are of the same stamp with those of New -England, salary of £30 per ann.

refractory

revenue

@ very loath to have any commerce with this place to the great detrm of his Maty*

@ ruin of our merchants.

To prevent which the aforementioned act of Assembly imposing

10 pr cent upon all such goods as should be imported from any colony where such goods were not

produced passed, which was intended chiefly to hinder their carrying their oyle to Boston @ bringing goods from thence into this Goverm 1

They thought it a hardship

to

their application were allowed to

be obliged as formerly to come to this citty to enter

have a port where

order to be accomptable to Mr Santen

@ clear @ on

made Mr Arnold Collector @ Receiver, with

10 pr cent upon all such goods as should be imported from any colony where such goods were not

produced passed, which was intended chiefly to hinder their carrying their oyle to Boston @ bringing goods from thence into this Goverm 1

They thought it a hardship

to

their application were allowed to

be obliged as formerly to come to this citty to enter

have a port where

order to be accomptable to Mr Santen

@ clear @ on

made Mr Arnold Collector @ Receiver, with

--What returns he has given likewise

referr to the audit

him for 3 years @ half past but £52 with which hee was well satisfied having had some Pquisits by Entrys @ clearing there Notwithstanding the desire of theirs was readily granted they refused to take our merchants money or goods @ carried away their Oyle private to Boston @ brought back goods from thence as formerly. Therefore with the advice of the Council I made I allowed

an order that all people before they goe there shall enter @ clear here and also I have bought a Bark that cruseth there with a master, two seamen a sergeant

@ six soldiers from the Garrison for which

the soldiers are allowed no more than their pay except a little provision more than their former allowance, the master two seamen I have listed in the Company alsoe allow them something

@

@

more than soldiers pay. [Vol. I.]

gov.

As for the Dukes county @ county of Cornwall I refer to y e audit. What acct Mr Santen gives @ Judge Palmer whom I sent thither last spring @ has made his returns to Mr Santen among which theres an account of the seizure of wines and oyl made in the county of Cornwall

the soldiers are allowed no more than their pay except a little provision more than their former allowance, the master two seamen I have listed in the Company alsoe allow them something

@

@

more than soldiers pay. [Vol. I.]

gov.

As for the Dukes county @ county of Cornwall I refer to y e audit. What acct Mr Santen gives @ Judge Palmer whom I sent thither last spring @ has made his returns to Mr Santen among which theres an account of the seizure of wines and oyl made in the county of Cornwall

The first year I left every thing to the care of Mr Santon @ what officers hee thought fit to put in, but afterwards finding tilings ill managed I spake to Mr Santon several times, advising him as a friend to look better to the trust reposed in him What returns hee lias made mee for my kindness I will pass by @ say noe more of them than I am obliged to doe for my own vindication having nothing of ill will against him After the expiration of the year I desired him to bring in Ms accounts that they might bee audited which hee promised me from time to time but in such manner as was not fit for him for always when I spoke to him of moneys @ accompt he flew into a passion Upon which I ordered him that since hee had no better goverment of himself he should refrain from coming into my company @ after I frequently sent to him by the Secy for his accompts who likewise met with the same dilatory answers. Upon which I had him brought before the council 3 where he was often ordered bring or 4 times to in his accts but all to noe purpose for upwards of a r s may year together as y Lop see by the time of the audit @ by the several orders of council herewith sent

The first year I left every thing to the care of Mr Santon @ what officers hee thought fit to put in, but afterwards finding tilings ill managed I spake to Mr Santon several times, advising him as a friend to look better to the trust reposed in him What returns hee lias made mee for my kindness I will pass by @ say noe more of them than I am obliged to doe for my own vindication having nothing of ill will against him After the expiration of the year I desired him to bring in Ms accounts that they might bee audited which hee promised me from time to time but in such manner as was not fit for him for always when I spoke to him of moneys @ accompt he flew into a passion Upon which I ordered him that since hee had no better goverment of himself he should refrain from coming into my company @ after I frequently sent to him by the Secy for his accompts who likewise met with the same dilatory answers. Upon which I had him brought before the council 3 where he was often ordered bring or 4 times to in his accts but all to noe purpose for upwards of a r s may year together as y Lop see by the time of the audit @ by the several orders of council herewith sent

At last when his accts came I shewed them to the council who were mightily surprised that for eighteen

Upon which I had him brought before the council 3 where he was often ordered bring or 4 times to in his accts but all to noe purpose for upwards of a r s may year together as y Lop see by the time of the audit @ by the several orders of council herewith sent

At last when his accts came I shewed them to the council who were mightily surprised that for eighteen

@ upwards the Revenue should amount but to £3000 @ odd pounds upon which I had

them audited and thereby it was found that a great many frauds had been done to the King as your Lop s may see by the said audit @ the charge brought in @ proved against Mr Santon Then I desired him to put John Smith from the office of surveyor and out of the custom house having the charity for mr Santon to believe that that man has cheated him as well as the King (I having had while in England this ill character of him from S Benj n Bathurst that for his misbeha1'

But hee never wo d comply with it notwithstanding several orders of councill to that affect until I put in on Thomas Coker to bee surveyor, upon which Smith being concerned at losing his surveyors place, grew very insolent and put Mr Santon upon worse measures as is believed, for which @ other misdemeanors as y Lop s may pceave by the Minutes of Council sent over by Mr Sprag he was turned wholly out of the Custom House In Hatlow (Serv* to Mr Santon) that was waiter and searcher he sent into England as I am informed to the commissioners of thee custom house for a commission to be collector for the enumerated comoditys here, @ would force so much for his going @ coming as y Lop s may see charged in his acct brought in to the audit @ likewise has brought in a note of his for four and twenty pounds odd money for going to the east end of Long Island in which he did not spend fourteen days time The Auditor finding noe cheque upon the collector his book keeper being Surveyor called upon this Hatlow for his warrants who answered that hee had none or that if ever hee had any hee had left them in England Upon which I put in one Larkin in his stead who upon an order in Council set up in the Custom House commanding noe goods to goe off without a warrant refusing to lett some goods bee exported on the verbal order of Mr Santon only was by him turned out of that place as your Lop s will see by vior he had been turned out of a good employment)

But hee never wo d comply with it notwithstanding several orders of councill to that affect until I put in on Thomas Coker to bee surveyor, upon which Smith being concerned at losing his surveyors place, grew very insolent and put Mr Santon upon worse measures as is believed, for which @ other misdemeanors as y Lop s may pceave by the Minutes of Council sent over by Mr Sprag he was turned wholly out of the Custom House In Hatlow (Serv* to Mr Santon) that was waiter and searcher he sent into England as I am informed to the commissioners of thee custom house for a commission to be collector for the enumerated comoditys here, @ would force so much for his going @ coming as y Lop s may see charged in his acct brought in to the audit @ likewise has brought in a note of his for four and twenty pounds odd money for going to the east end of Long Island in which he did not spend fourteen days time The Auditor finding noe cheque upon the collector his book keeper being Surveyor called upon this Hatlow for his warrants who answered that hee had none or that if ever hee had any hee had left them in England Upon which I put in one Larkin in his stead who upon an order in Council set up in the Custom House commanding noe goods to goe off without a warrant refusing to lett some goods bee exported on the verbal order of Mr Santon only was by him turned out of that place as your Lop s will see by vior he had been turned out of a good employment)

r

r

the aforementioned charge

@ the proofs thereto

After the audit of his first accts the others were demanded and with the same difficulty as the

former obtained as y r Lop» may perceive by the said minutes of Council particularly the order for

payment every Saturday which was occasioned thus The Council considering how dilatory Mr Santon was @ with what difficulty he would be brought to account being satisfied that Mr Santon was then behindhand in his paym ts @ that in process of time he might bee yet more soe for the preventing of further embezlement of his Ma^ 8 revenue they ordered him that every Saturday hee should

acct with

@ pay into mee what he had received the preceeding week which was a method taken in

the time of S

r

Edmond Andros with Capt Dyer the then Collector upon the like occasion tho' this

had not the like effect thro Mr Santens disobedience, for as hee did with all other orders hee did with this hee took noe notice of it

As alsoe there were several orders of Council requiring him to have all his acts from the 25 th of March to the 6 th of October ready for Mr Sprag to carry over audited with him who had agreed for But with all this he made his passage in a ship @ kept her here on that purpose these two months past. noe compliance pretending that by a letter from my Lord Treasurer hee was satisfied his accomps were not to be audited here that hee was only obliged to leave a duplicate with mee upon which the Council

As alsoe there were several orders of Council requiring him to have all his acts from the 25 th of March to the 6 th of October ready for Mr Sprag to carry over audited with him who had agreed for But with all this he made his passage in a ship @ kept her here on that purpose these two months past. noe compliance pretending that by a letter from my Lord Treasurer hee was satisfied his accomps were not to be audited here that hee was only obliged to leave a duplicate with mee upon which the Council

upon sight of the letter agreed that it was reasonable for him to send his accomps home but that nevertheless it was my duty to have them audited according to former instruction @ soe to continue to doe until I should have orders to the contrary from Mr. Blathwayt to whom my Lord Treasurer in his letter refers it being otherwise impossible for me to answer this query

Seeing soe

many abuses done to his Maty @ finding fair means to be wholly ineffectual to the

making Mr. Santen discharge his duty @ hee continuing still refractory @ disobedient to the several orders of Council to him directed, the charge which y* Lop s have herewith was drawn up against him to which hee answered in such manner as your Lop 3 will see on perusal of the copy thereof herewith sent. Upon hearing of which charge and answer @ y e proofs thereto herewith likewise sent, thee council made their report to mee under their hands, in manner as your Lop 3 sees by the copy thereof which you have likewise herewith wherein altho' they positively say that he has been an unfaithful serv1 to his Mat y in the management of his Revenue, yet I sent for him @ advised him to give in security for the ballance of the acct that by the audit he was found behind hand.

Upon hearing of which charge and answer @ y e proofs thereto herewith likewise sent, thee council made their report to mee under their hands, in manner as your Lop 3 sees by the copy thereof which you have likewise herewith wherein altho' they positively say that he has been an unfaithful serv1 to his Mat y in the management of his Revenue, yet I sent for him @ advised him to give in security for the ballance of the acct that by the audit he was found behind hand. And for his better carriage for the future which if hee did I promised to pass by all former faults @ make noe complaint against him. I not only told him this myself but from time to time sent messages to him to this effect sometimes by such of the council as were his particular friends sometimes by the ministers @ often by the Secretary but all to noe purpose hee still continued obstinate And what returns hee made mee to these several instances of my kindness I shall not now trouble your Lop s with Nevertheless I forbare doing anything further against him till the expiration of the second audit

proposing that then when I could know the whole amount of his debt I would at once doe my best to secure the Kings concerns from sustaining any loss by him

At last hee brought in a book without being signed and said he could not lieve them neither, Mr Blathwayt Whereupon we were forct to give him 3 weeks longer to get them copied @ then with great adoe he signed them @ brought in with them an they being to bee sent over to

proposing that then when I could know the whole amount of his debt I would at once doe my best to secure the Kings concerns from sustaining any loss by him

At last hee brought in a book without being signed and said he could not lieve them neither, Mr Blathwayt Whereupon we were forct to give him 3 weeks longer to get them copied @ then with great adoe he signed them @ brought in with them an they being to bee sent over to

acct called a general acct, an acct so extravagant that your Lop* have hardly seen the like

Then I pressing the auditors to make an end they desired

that they might have his papers compare with those books @ accomps he had delivered in, which by order of council hee was required to deliver to them. But he refusing as appears by the testimony of 3 of the

to

@ he suspended Maty pleasure should be known from thereon @ @ hee taken into the Sheriffs custody and there remain till hee should give in such security as in the said orders is expressed as relation to the said orders had, may more at large appear Upon search of the Pap's relating to his Maty s revenue I found a charge drawn up against myself with letters to his Maty Lord T'sear Lord Chancellor @ several other gentlemen stuft with complaints against me and other p'sons which are wholly false Indeed its true the poor gentleman since his coming here has been troubled with 3 or 4 hypocondriack fitts, he was in one of them when his Mat) 8 nomination of the Council came over auditors herewith sent, It

@ he suspended Maty pleasure should be known from thereon @ @ hee taken into the Sheriffs custody and there remain till hee should give in such security as in the said orders is expressed as relation to the said orders had, may more at large appear Upon search of the Pap's relating to his Maty s revenue I found a charge drawn up against myself with letters to his Maty Lord T'sear Lord Chancellor @ several other gentlemen stuft with complaints against me and other p'sons which are wholly false Indeed its true the poor gentleman since his coming here has been troubled with 3 or 4 hypocondriack fitts, he was in one of them when his Mat) 8 nomination of the Council came over auditors herewith sent, It

the

s a office

was ordered

of collector

that his said papers should be seized

receiver

till

his

upon which they all thought it not convenient to have him sworn at least at that time as your Lopp s will see by the minutes of council And my lords to bee short I must say this of him lies a man wholly unfit for business especially this wherein hee has noe more skill than a child, Soe that for the executing of it hee must have his whole dependance on another. I am sure if I had not taken more care of the Revenue than hee did since I found his failure it had been more embezled than it is for though he received the money I was obliged to continual watching to guard against his carelessness @ neglects And truly what he takes very ill what there is neither president nor establishment for In his commission hee has allowed him ,£200 p annum the same allowance that Dyer had in the time of S Edmond Andros of which £100 was for the Surveyor Comptroller @ Waiter therefore I finding no new establishment allow him no more than Dyer had for him @ his officers Salary it being the sentiment of the Council that I could not alter the former practice with which they were well acquainted But he gives himself a far larger allowance he will have it that his salary is sterr

I am sure if I had not taken more care of the Revenue than hee did since I found his failure it had been more embezled than it is for though he received the money I was obliged to continual watching to guard against his carelessness @ neglects And truly what he takes very ill what there is neither president nor establishment for In his commission hee has allowed him ,£200 p annum the same allowance that Dyer had in the time of S Edmond Andros of which £100 was for the Surveyor Comptroller @ Waiter therefore I finding no new establishment allow him no more than Dyer had for him @ his officers Salary it being the sentiment of the Council that I could not alter the former practice with which they were well acquainted But he gives himself a far larger allowance he will have it that his salary is sterr

ling ;

@ to make

it so of

this country money

he charges three

@ thirty P cent advance @ one hun1'

Besides this Mr Smith being his Deputy-Surveyor @ of £50 p aim as his deputy £40 P' ann as his acwould have allowance to him Book-keeper, hee r comptant £30 P ann for his transcribing his books £20 P r annum P r his diet besides his salary for For John Harlow hee would have allowed £30 P ann as waiter, £48 P ann as being Surveyor, employed in the Kings service where or how noe man Knows £20 p ann for his Diet and £162 and two voyages made into England with despatches for his Maty all this @ a great deal more such for his officers in the country, @ the like your Lop s will see in his last general ace 4 a copy whereof is

Besides this Mr Smith being his Deputy-Surveyor @ of £50 p aim as his deputy £40 P' ann as his acwould have allowance to him Book-keeper, hee r comptant £30 P ann for his transcribing his books £20 P r annum P r his diet besides his salary for For John Harlow hee would have allowed £30 P ann as waiter, £48 P ann as being Surveyor, employed in the Kings service where or how noe man Knows £20 p ann for his Diet and £162 and two voyages made into England with despatches for his Maty all this @ a great deal more such for his officers in the country, @ the like your Lop s will see in his last general ace 4 a copy whereof is

dred pound more for his two under officers,

r

r

r

r

herewith sent, Notwithstanding hee charges the King soe largely for his officers salaries, to some of them hee has paid nothing at all insomuch as they are making very great clamor for their money, and not getting it

from him expect it from the King

Of his own head hee bought a little rotten tool of a sloop on pretence for his Mat 5s service, which as your Lop s may see by their audit, has stood the King in near £100 @ now cannot be sold for thirty soe must either be laid up or burnt In his instructions @ by several orders from me @ the council he was expressly forbid to trust out his Mat ys revenue notwithstanding I was forc't to take notes from him to the value of £800. besides a great will perceive

Of his own head hee bought a little rotten tool of a sloop on pretence for his Mat 5s service, which as your Lop s may see by their audit, has stood the King in near £100 @ now cannot be sold for thirty soe must either be laid up or burnt In his instructions @ by several orders from me @ the council he was expressly forbid to trust out his Mat ys revenue notwithstanding I was forc't to take notes from him to the value of £800. besides a great will perceive

many more which hee pretends still

to

bee standing out as your Lop s

by the audit

Hee has likewise been negligent in taking

the bonds required by the laws of the Goverment

from the masters of ships one ill consequence whereof has been the New York Pink has carried off several

Elephants teeth without entry,

@ the bond being inquired for there was none taken

How he has behaved himself touching an Interloper that came in hither I have already given

f

Benj. Bathurst an account, and as for the debts for

him pretended

to

too the auditors

upon

enquiry the most of them are found to bee received by him. and I believe of thee rest, the twentieth part will never be had, they are soe

ill

And besides notwithstanding his confused way of accounting @ being without a cheque upon him as aforesaid, he is found by his own accounts brought into the audit to bee £1758 15 shillings threepence and | ths of a penny in debt to the King as your Lop s may see by the said audit which (as is to bee feared) is all gone besides his salary and pquisits, on which he might have lived very handsomely persons he converseth with speak scurrilously Council which considering his circumstances we let pass without

And besides notwithstanding his confused way of accounting @ being without a cheque upon him as aforesaid, he is found by his own accounts brought into the audit to bee £1758 15 shillings threepence and | ths of a penny in debt to the King as your Lop s may see by the said audit which (as is to bee feared) is all gone besides his salary and pquisits, on which he might have lived very handsomely persons he converseth with speak scurrilously Council which considering his circumstances we let pass without

Hee (as hee hath all along done) does

@ and abusively of me @ y taking any notice of

e

to

all

gov. dongan's refort on the PROVINCE OF NEW- YORK.

Hee is likewise very troublesome to the present management of liis Mat 73 customs I desire that as soon as may bee I may know what his M&P 3 pleasure is should bee done with him, what ace* I have here given y Lopi of him is as moderate as may bee farr short of what I might have represented @ yet have spoken nothing but the truth. What I have done has not been out of malice, for I beare none to him rather pitty, but purely with an intent to >s

doe his Ma^ service

@ to secure his interest, as I doubt not will appear to yr L0PP

and

if

bee to be blamed for any tiling in the Series of this affair its for too much forbearance

Hee is likewise very troublesome to the present management of liis Mat 73 customs I desire that as soon as may bee I may know what his M&P 3 pleasure is should bee done with him, what ace* I have here given y Lopi of him is as moderate as may bee farr short of what I might have represented @ yet have spoken nothing but the truth. What I have done has not been out of malice, for I beare none to him rather pitty, but purely with an intent to >s

doe his Ma^ service

@ to secure his interest, as I doubt not will appear to yr L0PP

and

if

bee to be blamed for any tiling in the Series of this affair its for too much forbearance

Thus my Lords I have given you as good an account of the Revenue received, @ by whom as I can mismanaged and by what meanes I shall theres fore now proceed to give your Lopp an estimate of what charge the maintenance of this Govermt has been hitherto to mee @ what will bee requisite for its further support Its a very hard thing upon mee that coming over hither in troublesome times, finding noe revenue as also how the same in a great part of it has been

@ yet having three garrisons to look after @ the forts in the condition before mentioned, @ finding such contest between the Governm* of Canada @ this about the Beaver Trade the Inland Country @ the Indians, to purchase, as I was obliged by my instructions, sixty odd miles, upon

Thus my Lords I have given you as good an account of the Revenue received, @ by whom as I can mismanaged and by what meanes I shall theres fore now proceed to give your Lopp an estimate of what charge the maintenance of this Govermt has been hitherto to mee @ what will bee requisite for its further support Its a very hard thing upon mee that coming over hither in troublesome times, finding noe revenue as also how the same in a great part of it has been

@ yet having three garrisons to look after @ the forts in the condition before mentioned, @ finding such contest between the Governm* of Canada @ this about the Beaver Trade the Inland Country @ the Indians, to purchase, as I was obliged by my instructions, sixty odd miles, upon

established

the Hudsons River 17 or 18 miles into the land in one place from the Indians. In another place up the River 16 miles And on the south side of Long-Island twelve miles to give a great deal to

the Indians for Susquehanna River to bee at great expences on the Assembly at their

first sit-

@ on the Lord Howard of Effingham when here with his train Governor Pen, commissioners from Boston @ other colonies, the Gov of Connecticut East @ West Jersey, the running the line between this @ East Jersey, and the like between Connecticut and this, tho' that last not yet finished besides the establishment as will appear by my books when audited @ sent over, which shall be by the very first conveniency, @ had been long ere now, had I got Mr. ting when they gave the revenue

@ on the Lord Howard of Effingham when here with his train Governor Pen, commissioners from Boston @ other colonies, the Gov of Connecticut East @ West Jersey, the running the line between this @ East Jersey, and the like between Connecticut and this, tho' that last not yet finished besides the establishment as will appear by my books when audited @ sent over, which shall be by the very first conveniency, @ had been long ere now, had I got Mr. ting when they gave the revenue

Santens sooner done

In the meantime y r Lop s may bee capable of making an estimate of the constant charge of the Goverm 1 by the calculation thereof herewith sent in which you see that there is set down yearly for the Council Judges

@ Attorney General wliich tho' not at present allowed in my opinion with submission to your Lop s there

is

service

The Councilors being persons obliged to a

a necessity there should

constant attendance from their own business

@ whose present salary

is

@

the judges such as devote themselves wholly to that

soe small to support

them @ their familys in that station as is set

forth in their petition which I have herewith sent to his Maty for his consideration, neither can the

Attorney-generals small perquisites bee able to maintain him in going thro his Mat ys concerns, which

may take up his whole time, without the addition of such salary as his Mat? shall think fitt to allow

the judges such as devote themselves wholly to that

soe small to support

them @ their familys in that station as is set

forth in their petition which I have herewith sent to his Maty for his consideration, neither can the

Attorney-generals small perquisites bee able to maintain him in going thro his Mat ys concerns, which

may take up his whole time, without the addition of such salary as his Mat? shall think fitt to allow

Your Lop 3 taking all this into y r consideration, cannot but think his Mat y must be in debt, which however would not have been very much had Mr Santen done his duty

What revenue there is is with the ease @ satisfaction of the people @ paid without grumbling, tho» as much as modesty can bee put

upon them

Soe that if Connecticut be not added to the Goverm1 it can be hardly able to support itself. if it bee added, thee revenue will

But

bee sufficient to keep the King wholly out of debt

Mr Santen taxes me with covetousness in not allowing sufficiently to the officers employed. gardly I have not been, but the revenue being soe small to bee as good a husband for the King as I could

Nig-

% having soe great a charge, I endeavored

I'm sure better than I ever was for myself.

And

truly I have been put soe to it to make things doe that what small pquisits I got, I have disburst,

Mr Santen taxes me with covetousness in not allowing sufficiently to the officers employed. gardly I have not been, but the revenue being soe small to bee as good a husband for the King as I could

Nig-

% having soe great a charge, I endeavored

I'm sure better than I ever was for myself.

And

truly I have been put soe to it to make things doe that what small pquisits I got, I have disburst,

not only soe, but have been forc't to engage my credit soe far as t'would goe

@

@ that not sparing to

pawn my plate for money to carry on the Kings affairs @ now I have sent some of it home by Mr

GOV.

Sprag

reimburse S Ben Bathurst what hee has paid for mee, r

to

soldiers

@ and to provide clothes for the

@ some things for my own use

Now My Lords before I proceed to answer the rest of your queries I will take occasion here to give your Lop satisfaction as to those articles Mr Santer has been pleased to draw up against Answer s

to

n,er 3

cha rgM

mee a copie whereof I herewith send for y r Lopp s perusal the scope of which being to c iial,g e me w j£ja mismanagement of his Mat ys affairs, I thought noe place more proper for ?

agamst me

my making appear the falsity of his accusation than here, wherein I have been soe long treating of man himself had soe large a share, which

Now My Lords before I proceed to answer the rest of your queries I will take occasion here to give your Lop satisfaction as to those articles Mr Santer has been pleased to draw up against Answer s

to

n,er 3

cha rgM

mee a copie whereof I herewith send for y r Lopp s perusal the scope of which being to c iial,g e me w j£ja mismanagement of his Mat ys affairs, I thought noe place more proper for ?

agamst me

my making appear the falsity of his accusation than here, wherein I have been soe long treating of man himself had soe large a share, which

the mismanagement of the revenue in which this

answers follow distinctly with relation to such proofs as are herewith sent necessary for my vindication

--

As to the first Article concerning a copartnership in a Trade to France Sfc For my justification @ making appear the falsehood of this article is the testimony of Mr John Sprag

@ Mr Gabriel Minvielle taken before Mr Swinton clerk of the Council hereunto annexed To the Second concerning a partnership in trade to Newfoundland

This is noe less true than the other as appears by Major Brokhelles testimony &c @ truly had I any such design I had not communicated with the Kings collector especially to a man of his disposition @ subject to soe many follies @ infirmity s that he was never capable of concealing his own

@ always made the debates of the Council (while he was a member of it) the subject matter of his Tavern discourse secrets from the very rabble of the town,

This is noe less true than the other as appears by Major Brokhelles testimony &c @ truly had I any such design I had not communicated with the Kings collector especially to a man of his disposition @ subject to soe many follies @ infirmity s that he was never capable of concealing his own

@ always made the debates of the Council (while he was a member of it) the subject matter of his Tavern discourse secrets from the very rabble of the town,

To the Third concerning my going sharer with the Privateers Wherein hee does mee the honor to join mee in partnership with privateers I dont believe that Frederick Flipson ever went sharer with any body in a ship @ am sure Beekman never had a vessel nor a share in a vessel in his life Had I had 2 or 3 men's shares of what was got upon the wreck I think it had been noe breach of Law or my instructions it being customary in such cases for the Gov rs of plantations to have it. But Mr Santen too was mistaken in this they did not clear for the wreck @ least they should make incursion upon the Spaniards I took security from them that they should not, in short for my justification on this point I refer myself to the testimonies of Frederic Flipson

@ Beakman @ the obligation aforesaid herewith sent

To the Fourth Copartnership with Mr Antill for Jamaica Hee does me wrong I never was concerned with Mr Antill in copartnership

But Mr Santen too was mistaken in this they did not clear for the wreck @ least they should make incursion upon the Spaniards I took security from them that they should not, in short for my justification on this point I refer myself to the testimonies of Frederic Flipson

@ Beakman @ the obligation aforesaid herewith sent

To the Fourth Copartnership with Mr Antill for Jamaica Hee does me wrong I never was concerned with Mr Antill in copartnership

One Vaughan half

Mr Sprag that had been a volunteer 2 or 3 years on board Capt n Temple, @ happening to bee in London when I came away offered his service to come along with mee, whom finding a pretty ingenious young man @ out of employment I promised to help him with a little money when hee

brother to

stood in need of it for to put him into some way. Whereupon not long after this Antill purposed if he could get money from his brother or any other to purchase the half of a little ship then to bee

@ that Vaughton should goe master of her upon which hee came then was @ acquainted mee with y e proposal @ desired my assistsold hee would purchase the other to mee into the country where I

ance to enable him to comply with it.

I demanded

to make over his share in the vessel for

what security hee could give mee, hee proposed

Upon which in kindness to him I let him have the money @ took the vessel in security for it @ by him sent as a venture ten Barils of Oyle of a drift Whale that came to my share, @ thirteen half Barils of Flower, to purchase Sugar Molasses Sweetmeats Oranges and other necessaries for use in my family.

to make over his share in the vessel for

what security hee could give mee, hee proposed

Upon which in kindness to him I let him have the money @ took the vessel in security for it @ by him sent as a venture ten Barils of Oyle of a drift Whale that came to my share, @ thirteen half Barils of Flower, to purchase Sugar Molasses Sweetmeats Oranges and other necessaries for use in my family. And this (as Mr. Santen knows as well as I

it.

@ most of the town) was all the concerns I ever had with Antil

gov. dongan's report on the province of new-tork.

Ill

To the fifth concerning the Dogger

@

S r William Stapleton hearing of This Mr Beekman having a Sloop went from this place to Nevis took a great ugly vessel a dutch privateer gave him a commission to goe after him, which hee did

@

@ went back with her to Nevis.

m in Whereupon S r have the his own share in Kings @ her soe hee brought her hither reward of his good service gave him where shee being a Dutch built @ and the man having a mind to sell her, had her condemned at a Court of Admiralty. Upon which I forgave him the Kings share which by apprizement amounted y

e dutch

for fishing with

one deck

as doth appear by Mr Beekman's testimony

to

To the sixth concerning Heathcofs Sloop.

Mr. Santen does me wrong in this for upon the word of a Christian, I know not at this minute who were the apprizers they having been appointed by the Court where the sloop @ goods were

m in Whereupon S r have the his own share in Kings @ her soe hee brought her hither reward of his good service gave him where shee being a Dutch built @ and the man having a mind to sell her, had her condemned at a Court of Admiralty. Upon which I forgave him the Kings share which by apprizement amounted y

e dutch

for fishing with

one deck

as doth appear by Mr Beekman's testimony

to

To the sixth concerning Heathcofs Sloop.

Mr. Santen does me wrong in this for upon the word of a Christian, I know not at this minute who were the apprizers they having been appointed by the Court where the sloop @ goods were

condemned, @ they too upon their oaths. Neither had I any advantage by that vessel as Mr Santen knows tho' hee had by making George Heathcot pay him ninety pounds @ charges which was more then the third part the condemnation came to soe that I hope this is not the voyage hee charges the King with soe much for, tho' it is the only remarkable one hee ever made @ yet but ten miles distant from this place

To the seventh concerning my Lord Neill Campbells goods

My Lord Neill Campbell its true desired my bill of store for the 10 P cent which I did r

Mr Santen does mee wrong to say that I ordered they should bee entered without examination to the best of my remembrance there was noe such thing: but here hee forgets

Neither had I any advantage by that vessel as Mr Santen knows tho' hee had by making George Heathcot pay him ninety pounds @ charges which was more then the third part the condemnation came to soe that I hope this is not the voyage hee charges the King with soe much for, tho' it is the only remarkable one hee ever made @ yet but ten miles distant from this place

To the seventh concerning my Lord Neill Campbells goods

My Lord Neill Campbell its true desired my bill of store for the 10 P cent which I did r

Mr Santen does mee wrong to say that I ordered they should bee entered without examination to the best of my remembrance there was noe such thing: but here hee forgets

grant, but

what hee has done himself what goods he has admitted to entry without examination contrary to Act of Assembly @ my order as appears by his own books to the great diminution of his Mat!S revenue in this Province neither does he remember what bills of store hee has granted :

notwithstanding several orders to the contrary

To the eighth concerning one Riddell

Mr Santen does mee wrong in this, One Mr Riddell a poor Gentleman that brought into this city without entry (as a great many others have done without Mr Santen or his officers taking notice thereof) a small parcel of linen afterwards appraised to be of the value of 3 or 5 pounds,

what hee has done himself what goods he has admitted to entry without examination contrary to Act of Assembly @ my order as appears by his own books to the great diminution of his Mat!S revenue in this Province neither does he remember what bills of store hee has granted :

notwithstanding several orders to the contrary

To the eighth concerning one Riddell

Mr Santen does mee wrong in this, One Mr Riddell a poor Gentleman that brought into this city without entry (as a great many others have done without Mr Santen or his officers taking notice thereof) a small parcel of linen afterwards appraised to be of the value of 3 or 5 pounds,

And after that this Riddell @ one of the officers of the Custom House drinking drunk together, fell

@

a quarrelling, on which

in the

the Officer went out meeting with Vaughton about one or two morning, compelled him to goe along with him to seize uncostomed goods at Riddell's

where when they came they broke open the door upon this Riddell who being still drunk endeavoured to keep them out @ in the struggling stabbed Mr Vaughton. Whereupon he was secured in prison where hee lay a long time till Vaughton recovered. Afterwards the lodging,

poor

Sprag

Mr Vaughton @ himself @ Mr @ several others hee was set at liberty, and on a petition of his to the Council his goods

man

being in a starving condition on the application of

were ordered goods

where when they came they broke open the door upon this Riddell who being still drunk endeavoured to keep them out @ in the struggling stabbed Mr Vaughton. Whereupon he was secured in prison where hee lay a long time till Vaughton recovered. Afterwards the lodging,

poor

Sprag

Mr Vaughton @ himself @ Mr @ several others hee was set at liberty, and on a petition of his to the Council his goods

man

being in a starving condition on the application of

were ordered goods

to

bee released, hee paying all charges which being more than the value of the

Mr Sprag in charity to Riddell paid

the

Surgeons their demands which was ten pounds

without taking any thing from him

To the ninth concerning Capt Santerts warrants to the Sheriffs fyc

Mr Santen knows himself that from time to time by order of Council, all the Sheriffs have been obliged to account with

him for all rents, Quit rents @ arrearages of rent &c yet tins would not doe

to make himself seem great, he would needs issue forth his own warrants, which poor man was done

in one of his fitts

@ indeed they met with such reception as they deserved, the sheriffs took noe other Whereupon I being somewhat surprised at his manner of

notice of them than to send them to mee

proceedure called him before the Council where (being asked how he came to issue forth such warrants) his answer was that to his knouledge the Lord Treasurer did soe in England, But here I would ask Capt Santen why he hath not given a better account of Such Quit rents &c as have passed through his hands

@ indeed they met with such reception as they deserved, the sheriffs took noe other Whereupon I being somewhat surprised at his manner of

notice of them than to send them to mee

proceedure called him before the Council where (being asked how he came to issue forth such warrants) his answer was that to his knouledge the Lord Treasurer did soe in England, But here I would ask Capt Santen why he hath not given a better account of Such Quit rents &c as have passed through his hands

To the Tenth concerning my covetousness as he is pleased to term it

Here (if Mr. Santen speaks true in saying I have been covetous) it was in the management of this small revenue to the best advantage, @ had Mr Santen been as just as I have been careful, the King had not been in debt, as I had more in my pocket than now I have It may be true when I called for the King's money @ accompts from Mr Santen @ I met with unbecoming returns I might use some passionat expressions And as for my pinching Officers if hee means himself it was because he took it very ill that I would not allow him 7 or 800 pounds extravagant expenses, As for Fran. Barber I never spoke a word to him of salary in my life @ and leave it to the audit what acct hee gives of the Revenue of that County for three years @ on half To the Eleventh concerning the excise of Long Island fyc

Santen speaks true in saying I have been covetous) it was in the management of this small revenue to the best advantage, @ had Mr Santen been as just as I have been careful, the King had not been in debt, as I had more in my pocket than now I have It may be true when I called for the King's money @ accompts from Mr Santen @ I met with unbecoming returns I might use some passionat expressions And as for my pinching Officers if hee means himself it was because he took it very ill that I would not allow him 7 or 800 pounds extravagant expenses, As for Fran. Barber I never spoke a word to him of salary in my life @ and leave it to the audit what acct hee gives of the Revenue of that County for three years @ on half To the Eleventh concerning the excise of Long Island fyc

What Mr Santen says concerning the offer of ,£52 for the excise p r a year may bee true I thought it very

unreasonable that the excise of three Countys should be farmed for soe little, therefore I fixed

upon Mr Vaughton @ Mr. Nicolls looking upon them to bee honest men @ agreed with them for £20 P P s @ what they could make over @ above they should deliver to Mr Santen That Dan. Whitehead offered me three pounds for my license it is false, or that I had <£10, from Nicolls @ Vaughton is likewise false as doth appear by Mr Nicolls testimony @ would by that of Mr Vaughton were hee here. Neither had I even any mony for licenses since I came into this Government except from Albany

Nicolls looking upon them to bee honest men @ agreed with them for £20 P P s @ what they could make over @ above they should deliver to Mr Santen That Dan. Whitehead offered me three pounds for my license it is false, or that I had <£10, from Nicolls @ Vaughton is likewise false as doth appear by Mr Nicolls testimony @ would by that of Mr Vaughton were hee here. Neither had I even any mony for licenses since I came into this Government except from Albany

@ this place .£24, but on the contrary gave

it

all

to the collectors of the respective

countys for their encouragement To the twelfe concerning Mr Pretty fyc.

Mr. Pretty is Sheriff of that County @ having a great deal of other concerns upon his hands for @ countreys service, that being a frontier County to Canada, soe that hee could not possibly

the King

attend the Surveyors place I put in William

mond Andros @

Shaw who had that place before in the time of S r Edas Mayor Brockhelles informs us behaved himself faithfully therein.

And as to his

allegation in his memorandums that Shaw was put in for satisfaction for two or three years pay due to him, it is wholly untrue as does appear

by the testimony of Mayor Baxter, Mr Coker, @ by the

receipt under Shaws own hand

To the Thirteenth concerning the deprivations of the Officers fyc This John Smith is a man that if hee were as honest as hee is able the King had had more justice r done him Mr. Santen more money in his pocket. What account S Ben Bathurst gave mee of him

allegation in his memorandums that Shaw was put in for satisfaction for two or three years pay due to him, it is wholly untrue as does appear

by the testimony of Mayor Baxter, Mr Coker, @ by the

receipt under Shaws own hand

To the Thirteenth concerning the deprivations of the Officers fyc This John Smith is a man that if hee were as honest as hee is able the King had had more justice r done him Mr. Santen more money in his pocket. What account S Ben Bathurst gave mee of him

@

I have already acquainted y r Lo^'

s is herein before given to your Loi"

with,

@ for what reason hee was turned out of the Custom House

.

To the Fourteenth concerning the Pasture of Albany fyc As for this of the Pasture, he is mistaken, it was never yet in the King's hands, but hee that was the commander took some profits of it, which was a great grievance to the people it having been patented by governor Nicolls to several people

@ by them built upon whose buildings have been

GOV. dongan's report on the province OF NEW- YORK.

since carried away by the overflowing of the river, It does not contain above fifteen or sixteen acres. I doubt not but I shall make it appear that I have done nothing in this to his

King very good service in Albany.

ceive I have done the

Mat ys prejudice I con-

The town of Albany lyes within the

@ by them built upon whose buildings have been

GOV. dongan's report on the province OF NEW- YORK.

since carried away by the overflowing of the river, It does not contain above fifteen or sixteen acres. I doubt not but I shall make it appear that I have done nothing in this to his

King very good service in Albany.

ceive I have done the

Mat ys prejudice I con-

The town of Albany lyes within the

Ranslaers Colony, and to say truth the Ranslaers had the right to it for it was they settled the place,

@ upon a petition of one of them to our present King about Albany the petitioner was referred to his Mat 78 council at law who

upon a perusal of the Ranslaers papers made their return that it was their opinion that it did belong to them Upon which there was an order sent over to S r Edmund An-

@ that every house should pay some two beavers, some more some less according to their dimensions p r annum, for thirty years, @ afterwards the Ranslaers to put what rent upon them they could agree for What reason S Edmond Andros that the Ranslaers should be put in possession of Albany,

--

dros has given for not putting these orders in execution I know not

The Ranslaers came @ brought me the same orders which I thought not convenient to execute @ which brings his Maf soe great a Revenue should bee in the hands of any particular men The town of itself is upon a barren sandy spot of land, @ the inhabitants live wholly upon trade with the Indians. By the meanes of Mr James Graham Judge Palmer @ Mr Cortlandt that have great influence on that people I got the Ranslears to release their pretence to the town @ sixteen miles into the country for commons to the King with liberty to cut firewood within the Colony for one @ twenty years.

The Ranslaers came @ brought me the same orders which I thought not convenient to execute @ which brings his Maf soe great a Revenue should bee in the hands of any particular men The town of itself is upon a barren sandy spot of land, @ the inhabitants live wholly upon trade with the Indians. By the meanes of Mr James Graham Judge Palmer @ Mr Cortlandt that have great influence on that people I got the Ranslears to release their pretence to the town @ sixteen miles into the country for commons to the King with liberty to cut firewood within the Colony for one @ twenty years. After I had obtained this release of the Ranslaers I passed the patent for Albany wherein was included the afore mentioned pasture, to which the people apprehended they had so good a right that they expressed judging it not for his Maty 9 interest that the second town of the Goverment

themselves discontented at my reserving a small spot of it for a garden for the use of the Garrison

That the people of Albany has given me .£700

.

is untrue I

near my P rquisits, viz, ten shillings for every house

am but promised £300, which is not

@ the like for every hundred acres patented by

me, established by a committee appointed by the Assembly for the establishing of all fees, where Cap 4 Santen may remember himself was chairman, Alsoe what they have given to those other Gentlemen I know nothing of it @ upon my word in Gen 1 have not got the fourth part of my Pquisits,

near my P rquisits, viz, ten shillings for every house

am but promised £300, which is not

@ the like for every hundred acres patented by

me, established by a committee appointed by the Assembly for the establishing of all fees, where Cap 4 Santen may remember himself was chairman, Alsoe what they have given to those other Gentlemen I know nothing of it @ upon my word in Gen 1 have not got the fourth part of my Pquisits,

chusing rather to want them than take from the poor people that cannot spare it To the Fifteenth concerning a farm at East Jersey belonging to his Mat y fyc

Mr Santen might have given a better account of this if his malice had suffered him

The Farm at

@

at a Rack-rent, the proprietors of East Jersey putting East Jersey paid £10, p annum to his Maty us to more trouble than the value of it, they constantly disturbing the Tenants on pretence that his r

Mat y had granted that to them, so that I conclude it would be more inconvenient to keep it than to part with it.

Therefore Judge Palmer having an interest in East-Jersey

@ an influence with the

Governor there, on his giving mee his obligation to pay as a fine the summ of £60. to the King in case hee should not think fit to forgive it @ the rent of twenty shillings p r ann. @ to defend the title, I gave him a lease of

Mat y had granted that to them, so that I conclude it would be more inconvenient to keep it than to part with it.

Therefore Judge Palmer having an interest in East-Jersey

@ an influence with the

Governor there, on his giving mee his obligation to pay as a fine the summ of £60. to the King in case hee should not think fit to forgive it @ the rent of twenty shillings p r ann. @ to defend the title, I gave him a lease of

the Reversion of it

To the Sixteenth concerning Rockaway Meek Sfc

Mr Santen poor man neither understands his own nor others concerns, hee was one of the Council himself when Cap* Palmer petitioned for licence to purchase this land, lying without the meers

@

bounds of Hempsted @ when the same was granted, @ before hee had had his patent granted, the people of Hempstead were summoned to appear to show cause, if they had any why it should not bee granted, Thereupon one person came to mee the meers

@ told mee that

it

was his land @ that it was within

@ bounds of Hempstead on which I ordered him to put a Caveat in to the Secry oflice s

against the passing of Judge Palmers patent, and then the Surveyor went to survey the lands accompanied by some of the Inhabitants of Hempsted, to show him their bounds [Vol. I.]

who returning this lands

meers @ bounds the patent was passed in which Capt n Palmer is expressly bounded where hee adjoins to Hempsted by their line, And, wherein hee says the Hempsted people were frighted to let their Suits fall, its quite otherwise, for this Pearsall, upon the granting of this Patent got into possession of this land, inasmuch as Judge Palmer was forcet to commence suits against him Where after it had sometime depended, Pearsall finding that to insist on his pretence would not avail him, suffered judgement to goe against Mm, and as for his being frightened into it by Capt n Palmers being Judge, there's noe such thing tor on purpose he withdrew himself @ left the management of that Court to his Collegue Judge Nicolls and as for the lands being the only pasture of the town its wholly false for its noe pasture at all, being all woodland, and that town having a plain of upwards of 40,000 acres of good pasture without a stick upon it @ as for its value I believe Judge Palmer would think himself obliged to Cap 1 Santen or any others that would give him ,£200. to bee without their

meers @ bounds the patent was passed in which Capt n Palmer is expressly bounded where hee adjoins to Hempsted by their line, And, wherein hee says the Hempsted people were frighted to let their Suits fall, its quite otherwise, for this Pearsall, upon the granting of this Patent got into possession of this land, inasmuch as Judge Palmer was forcet to commence suits against him Where after it had sometime depended, Pearsall finding that to insist on his pretence would not avail him, suffered judgement to goe against Mm, and as for his being frightened into it by Capt n Palmers being Judge, there's noe such thing tor on purpose he withdrew himself @ left the management of that Court to his Collegue Judge Nicolls and as for the lands being the only pasture of the town its wholly false for its noe pasture at all, being all woodland, and that town having a plain of upwards of 40,000 acres of good pasture without a stick upon it @ as for its value I believe Judge Palmer would think himself obliged to Cap 1 Santen or any others that would give him ,£200. to bee without their

for it.

To the Seventeenth concerning Mr Grahams insinuation

Mr Santen is in the right that Mr Graham is Attorney-general @ supervisor of all Patents @ soe made upon Mr Rudyard's going from this place to Barbadoes @ is a person understanding in the law, it being his whole business

Wherefore I thought it not fit to pass any patents without his

for it.

To the Seventeenth concerning Mr Grahams insinuation

Mr Santen is in the right that Mr Graham is Attorney-general @ supervisor of all Patents @ soe made upon Mr Rudyard's going from this place to Barbadoes @ is a person understanding in the law, it being his whole business

Wherefore I thought it not fit to pass any patents without his

perusal least I might doe prejudice to the King.

@

still continue

It is likewise true that I have called in former patents

to doe so, that I might see by what Tenure they hold their lands, which I find genepaying noe acknowledgment to the King Whereupon being convinced of by the resolution of y e Judges the people for their own ease @ quiet @ that of their posterity which otherwise might have fallen under the lash of succeeding Governors, without the least murmuring have renewed their patents with a reservation of a certain Quit-Rent to the King to the noe small advancement of his Revenue, @ this done with general satisfaction @ of which none will in the least complain but on the contrary express themselves thankful for it rally to be by none, they

that defect

Mr Santen sure when hee wrote this article against mee did not consider the obligation that was upon us both to advance the Kings interest in our several stations, far less how inconsistent it was with his office to bee the only pson aggrieved at the advancement of his Mat ys revenue, when the people themselves that are concerned are not only satisfied but pleased with it

to doe so, that I might see by what Tenure they hold their lands, which I find genepaying noe acknowledgment to the King Whereupon being convinced of by the resolution of y e Judges the people for their own ease @ quiet @ that of their posterity which otherwise might have fallen under the lash of succeeding Governors, without the least murmuring have renewed their patents with a reservation of a certain Quit-Rent to the King to the noe small advancement of his Revenue, @ this done with general satisfaction @ of which none will in the least complain but on the contrary express themselves thankful for it rally to be by none, they

that defect

Mr Santen sure when hee wrote this article against mee did not consider the obligation that was upon us both to advance the Kings interest in our several stations, far less how inconsistent it was with his office to bee the only pson aggrieved at the advancement of his Mat ys revenue, when the people themselves that are concerned are not only satisfied but pleased with it

Again hee forgets that hee was a member of the Council when they gave it for their opinion that those former patents were insufficient® and were then dayly consenting to the passing of new ones.

As for sums of money exacted I own I have received £200 from Ranslaer, but its nothing to what

my perquisits would have amounted to according to the aforementioned regulation hee having a vast tract of land

Mr Santen sure when hee wrote this article against mee did not consider the obligation that was upon us both to advance the Kings interest in our several stations, far less how inconsistent it was with his office to bee the only pson aggrieved at the advancement of his Mat ys revenue, when the people themselves that are concerned are not only satisfied but pleased with it

Again hee forgets that hee was a member of the Council when they gave it for their opinion that those former patents were insufficient® and were then dayly consenting to the passing of new ones.

As for sums of money exacted I own I have received £200 from Ranslaer, but its nothing to what

my perquisits would have amounted to according to the aforementioned regulation hee having a vast tract of land

From Hempted I recd one hundred pound by forty @ that in Cattle which is far less than my pquisits they hauing upwards of 100.000 acres, I own alsoe I have received <£300 from the cirty of New York, @ have granted them nothing more than what they had from my predecessors, @ is now before his Maty for a confirmation

The land that Mr Santen complains of to bee such a grievance, is the Dock which the town at their own proper charge have taken from the sea,

@ and dayly are at vast expense to maintain, @

what use they make of it is not my business to inquire, but as to their selling to the value of £1500 for

From Hempted I recd one hundred pound by forty @ that in Cattle which is far less than my pquisits they hauing upwards of 100.000 acres, I own alsoe I have received <£300 from the cirty of New York, @ have granted them nothing more than what they had from my predecessors, @ is now before his Maty for a confirmation

The land that Mr Santen complains of to bee such a grievance, is the Dock which the town at their own proper charge have taken from the sea,

@ and dayly are at vast expense to maintain, @

what use they make of it is not my business to inquire, but as to their selling to the value of £1500 for

my use its wholly false, And as for those other sums of 50, 30 @ 20 pound, its not soe.

I was

never covetous to take from the poor people what they could not well spare, the Secratary is my witness, but if I had it never amounted to my pquisits, according to the regulation aforesaid

Besides the charge herein before answered were found several

intended to complain against me. cupt samens the

said charge, the same as I

memorandums of what Mr Santen

Among which there being some things not mentioned in

presume not being perfected, I presume further to trouble

your Lop s with what I have to say therein in my vindication

The Kings share of Cobbys Ship came by apprizecobbysShip ment to £19 7 6^ which was by Judge Palmer paid into Capt" Santens own hands as appears by the testimony of Capt Palmer Merrins house As to Mr Merrits house it does not pay soe much rent as Capt Santen pretends @ is too

presume not being perfected, I presume further to trouble

your Lop s with what I have to say therein in my vindication

The Kings share of Cobbys Ship came by apprizecobbysShip ment to £19 7 6^ which was by Judge Palmer paid into Capt" Santens own hands as appears by the testimony of Capt Palmer Merrins house As to Mr Merrits house it does not pay soe much rent as Capt Santen pretends @ is too

am sorry Mr. Santen has not a better memory. s

quite out of repaire, ready to drop down

And as to the Farm hee might have remembered that I showed him a letter from S B Bathurst r

The Farm

wherein was intimated that his Royal Highness now

both the farm

his Mat y was pleased I should

have

@ the house during the time of my government of this place

For Coker's house I am glad Capt n Santen has found so considerable a rent, for my part I never received a peny for it, therefore I shall now charge £72, more, being four years rent to Capt HoU6e Santens account for which he has not yet given the King credit There was a cooper liv'd in the next house to it and paid 12 or 15 pound p ann for winch I find no credit given to the King in Capt Santens books, since the cooper left the poorest p'son in town would not live in it it beingready to drop down @ Cokers is not in a better condition, soe bad they are that its a wonder to every body that they stand yet, in soe much that when Dr Junes brought me my Lord Middletons order to r

For Coker's house I am glad Capt n Santen has found so considerable a rent, for my part I never received a peny for it, therefore I shall now charge £72, more, being four years rent to Capt HoU6e Santens account for which he has not yet given the King credit There was a cooper liv'd in the next house to it and paid 12 or 15 pound p ann for winch I find no credit given to the King in Capt Santens books, since the cooper left the poorest p'son in town would not live in it it beingready to drop down @ Cokers is not in a better condition, soe bad they are that its a wonder to every body that they stand yet, in soe much that when Dr Junes brought me my Lord Middletons order to r

let him have them

@ I showed them to him hee would not live in them

Two or three years agoe S r John Worden sent me an order to give a long lease of them to any that would take it, I have not met with any such person @ I am sure if rebuilt by the King, it would

@

Merrits house is in the same condition, as appears by the not give him the interest of his money return of the Survey made by some of the Council and Carpenters sent to view it

As for the business between Mr Santen @ Mr Antill its a thing soe scandalous that I will not trouble Aniiii's

Two or three years agoe S r John Worden sent me an order to give a long lease of them to any that would take it, I have not met with any such person @ I am sure if rebuilt by the King, it would

@

Merrits house is in the same condition, as appears by the not give him the interest of his money return of the Survey made by some of the Council and Carpenters sent to view it

As for the business between Mr Santen @ Mr Antill its a thing soe scandalous that I will not trouble Aniiii's

business

your Lop s with an account of it, only this I'll say that Mr Antill sent severall to him ^^ j gpake to him myself to let him know that Mr Antill would be satisfied with an

acknowledgement that hee had done him wrong in speaking those scandalous w ords @ that it was the effects of drink, But Mr Santens pride was such that hee would not doe it, but continued to r

justify what hee had said.

Whereupon Mr Antill took out the execution against him (he not being him y e like message as before with the same effect

then of the Council) but before the serving sent

whereupon the execution was served Larkms Case

As for Larkins case I refer to the orders of Council herewith sent

And as for the Kings concerns going in a right channel I am sure they never can where he has powers.

justify what hee had said.

Whereupon Mr Antill took out the execution against him (he not being him y e like message as before with the same effect

then of the Council) but before the serving sent

whereupon the execution was served Larkms Case

As for Larkins case I refer to the orders of Council herewith sent

And as for the Kings concerns going in a right channel I am sure they never can where he has powers.

As for desiring a list of his Maty 8 Quit- Rents @ my denying it to him, its wholly untrue

for he has a book with an acct of all the Quit-Rents that then were to bee found

records of Patents kept in the Secretarys

office, which I caused Coker to

mentioned in the

draw out on purpose for

him Smith kept the key of the Granary @ what corn I received for my own use or the use of the @ it was shown to Mr Smith where I gave credit to the King for

Garrison was taken out by Coker it in

my books.

Afterwards finding that Santen gave no credit to the King for what corn came into

@ gave to James Larkens with order to him to give to Smith that he might enter receipts for what should bee brought in @ to give an account of the Granary I took the key from Smith

it

it

it

upon the books

Hee does Judge Palmer @ Mr Graham wrong for they are psons look't upon by the Council as fittest for those employments they are in, viz. Palmer Judge @ Graham attorney for the King, And *Mr jaGra- if Mr Santen would speak truth he must needs say they both have been very serviceable for the King in the advancement of his Revenue, @ that they still continue with their utmost endeavors soe to bee And though their way of living is by the law, yet their management has @ such other mild courses that were there was ten actions formerly there is

Palmer Judge @ Graham attorney for the King, And *Mr jaGra- if Mr Santen would speak truth he must needs say they both have been very serviceable for the King in the advancement of his Revenue, @ that they still continue with their utmost endeavors soe to bee And though their way of living is by the law, yet their management has @ such other mild courses that were there was ten actions formerly there is

been such by arbitration

;

-

n not one now. And the Council had soe good an opinion of Capt Palmer that hee was thought the e court for the Kings affairs of y fittest to bee the Judge As for sloops &c going from this to Newfoundland, if it was against the act of navigation hee did ill

to admit soe many to clear

@ enter to @ from thence without soe much as taking notice of

it, till

@

hee @ Major Brockhelles falling out, hee took occasion to seize his sloop, which the Council s taking security discharged from him till his Maty malicious further pleaonly bee to upon looking

sure were known

Mr Mayne coming here @ shewing mee his instruction, noe vessel has gone from

hence thither since,

And had I not relyed soe much upon Cap Santen none had gone, @ for his sake I'll not trust to

another soe much again Mr Santen was in the right I was angry to find a cart-load of goods going off the bridge after

hee @ Major Brockhelles falling out, hee took occasion to seize his sloop, which the Council s taking security discharged from him till his Maty malicious further pleaonly bee to upon looking

sure were known

Mr Mayne coming here @ shewing mee his instruction, noe vessel has gone from

hence thither since,

And had I not relyed soe much upon Cap Santen none had gone, @ for his sake I'll not trust to

another soe much again Mr Santen was in the right I was angry to find a cart-load of goods going off the bridge after

up the Custom House without entry @ demanding of the man how long they had been there hee answered from seven in the morning, without any officers taking notice of them, Upon my speaking to Mr. Santen he fell excusing his officers @ gave mee ill words. What thereupon hapshutting

pened I refer to My Lord Neal @ Mr Mayne's testimonies that were then witnesses of it s As for Woolsford's case I have already referred your LoP to the account given thereof to S Benr

jamin Bathurst.

The negro-story I refer to the record herewith sent I never did anything since I came into the government without the advice @ consent of the Council The ship Charts was cleared upon trial Mr Santen had nothing to allege against her

The sloop Lancaster is the same with that of Gov. Heathcot before mentioned The Boat of D'Morez was condemned for going to the Mill with Corn without the Governm* @ seized by Capt Santen

The negro-story I refer to the record herewith sent I never did anything since I came into the government without the advice @ consent of the Council The ship Charts was cleared upon trial Mr Santen had nothing to allege against her

The sloop Lancaster is the same with that of Gov. Heathcot before mentioned The Boat of D'Morez was condemned for going to the Mill with Corn without the Governm* @ seized by Capt Santen

The Sloop Fortune was condemned @ my own share as well as the Kings forgiven, the poor man having done what he did innocently The Sloop Lewis came from Pettiquaves, @ brought here some of our people who had been taken

by the Spaniards, in going to Jamaica with provisions @ had fled to Pettiquaves @ the sloop coming hither the master sent up word from Sandy Hook that hee would willingly come @ live here which

@ in consideration of his service in bringing home our people @ my own part in the sloop after shee was condemned with the proviso that if

I willingly granted him liberty to doe, I forgave the Kings

pay that share according to appraizement for which Bond

his Maty did not approve of it hee should

was accordingly taken, as will appear to y Lop s by the attested copie herewith sent In short all that I'll

say, hee's fitter for a retired life, than to bee the Kings Collector

To the three fy Twentieth Whatesiimate ke

@ in consideration of his service in bringing home our people @ my own part in the sloop after shee was condemned with the proviso that if

I willingly granted him liberty to doe, I forgave the Kings

pay that share according to appraizement for which Bond

his Maty did not approve of it hee should

was accordingly taken, as will appear to y Lop s by the attested copie herewith sent In short all that I'll

say, hee's fitter for a retired life, than to bee the Kings Collector

To the three fy Twentieth Whatesiimate ke

JTcMng

The answer thereof is referred to the next

estates &c

In answer to the tenth fy four

@ Twentieth querie

Every Town ought to have a Minister New York has first a Chaplain belonging to the Fort of the Church of England Secondly, a Dutch Calvinist, thirdly a French Calvinist, fourthly a ;

e

Bions in

Re1u Dutch Lutheran

--Here bee not many of the Church of England few Roman Catholicks ;

abundance of Quakers preachers men @ Women especially; Singing Quakers, Ranting Quakers; Sabbatarians; Antisabbatarians Some Anabaptists some Independents; some Jews; in short of all sorts of opinions there are some, and the most part of none at all The Great Church which serves both the English @ the Dutch is within the Fort which is found to ;

The church

bee very inconvenient therefore I desire that there may bee an order for their building an

other ground already being layd out for that purpose

abundance of Quakers preachers men @ Women especially; Singing Quakers, Ranting Quakers; Sabbatarians; Antisabbatarians Some Anabaptists some Independents; some Jews; in short of all sorts of opinions there are some, and the most part of none at all The Great Church which serves both the English @ the Dutch is within the Fort which is found to ;

The church

bee very inconvenient therefore I desire that there may bee an order for their building an

other ground already being layd out for that purpose

@ they wanting not money in Store wherewithall to build it

The most prevailing opinion is that of the Dutch Calvinists To the five and twentieth It is the endeavor of all Psons here to bring

up their children @ servants in that opinion which

what course &c themselves profess, but this I observe that they take no care of the conversion of their Slaves.

Every Town @ County are obliged to maintain their own poor, which makes them bee soe careful that noe Vagabonds, Beggars, nor Idle Persons are suffered to live here

But as for the Kings natural-born-subjects that live on long-Island @ other parts of the Government I find it a hard task to make them pay their Ministers. Tho. Donga n.

My Lords Since my writing of this, on Perusal of some Papers in the Secretary's office, I found some Memorandums of Sir Edmond Andros whereby I understand that in the year 167f hee sent home Capt n Salisbury for England to let his Royal Highness now his Ma'y know how impossible it was, for this Government to subsist without the addition of Connecticut. And hee himself went with some soldiers to surprise them, intending when he had done it to keep possession by a Fort he designed to make at a place called Seabrook but was prevented by the opposition of two Companys of men then lodged there ready to goe out ag st the Indians with whom they were in Warr Much less it can subsist now without it, being at more expense than in the time of Sir Edmond @ having lost Delaware @ soe consequently the Peltry Trade which is not much inferiour to that of the Beaver, besides much Quit-rents @ the Excise which would have been a very considerable Revenue And too, what helps, he had these from East @ West Jersey.

And hee himself went with some soldiers to surprise them, intending when he had done it to keep possession by a Fort he designed to make at a place called Seabrook but was prevented by the opposition of two Companys of men then lodged there ready to goe out ag st the Indians with whom they were in Warr Much less it can subsist now without it, being at more expense than in the time of Sir Edmond @ having lost Delaware @ soe consequently the Peltry Trade which is not much inferiour to that of the Beaver, besides much Quit-rents @ the Excise which would have been a very considerable Revenue And too, what helps, he had these from East @ West Jersey. Weighing this with the reasons aforementioned, I hope his Ma*y will be graciously pleased to add And the people thereof that Colony to this which is the Centre of all His Dominions in America. 8 service and have expressed upon all occasions more Loyalty inclined more to his Ma^ been have than any other of these parts Likewise I am to give y r Lop s an account that since I received my Instructions, I caused a Vessel which came to Amboy to come hither @ enter It being the opinion of the Council, that it was both agreeable to my Instructions and former practise especially in the time of Sir Edm d Andros I am now informed that the people of Pensilvania have had last year from the Indians, upward of Pensiivania 200 packs of Beaver down to the Skonshill @ will have more this, as I have reason to believe, which if not prevented, his Ma*y must not expect this Governm can maintain itself, besides that it will wholly depopulate both this Town @ Albany One Rogers the Weighmaster being found indebted to the King in .£190-17-!

Weighing this with the reasons aforementioned, I hope his Ma*y will be graciously pleased to add And the people thereof that Colony to this which is the Centre of all His Dominions in America. 8 service and have expressed upon all occasions more Loyalty inclined more to his Ma^ been have than any other of these parts Likewise I am to give y r Lop s an account that since I received my Instructions, I caused a Vessel which came to Amboy to come hither @ enter It being the opinion of the Council, that it was both agreeable to my Instructions and former practise especially in the time of Sir Edm d Andros I am now informed that the people of Pensilvania have had last year from the Indians, upward of Pensiivania 200 packs of Beaver down to the Skonshill @ will have more this, as I have reason to believe, which if not prevented, his Ma*y must not expect this Governm can maintain itself, besides that it will wholly depopulate both this Town @ Albany One Rogers the Weighmaster being found indebted to the King in .£190-17-! I demanded the money from him to which hee returned for answer that he was Mr. Santen's servant @ would live @ die by him @ would not pay it without his order. On which an Extent was made out against him @ hee taken thereupon @ put into Prison Where after many endeavors of Mr Saten to the contrary as will appear by the Minutes of Council hee at last paid'j£l40 of it which I was willing to

I demanded the money from him to which hee returned for answer that he was Mr. Santen's servant @ would live @ die by him @ would not pay it without his order. On which an Extent was made out against him @ hee taken thereupon @ put into Prison Where after many endeavors of Mr Saten to the contrary as will appear by the Minutes of Council hee at last paid'j£l40 of it which I was willing to

--

;

;

take rather than lose the whole

am afraid we shall not have soe good an account of the rest of the debts Being informed that Mr Smith has never accounted with Mr Santen having the opinion of Capt n

@

Palmer @ Mr Graham that he is accountable to the King at least for soe much of the money as he has received to his own use on pretence of Salary without any authority for the same.

I have caused

him to be arrested in an action of account at his Ma'y 3 suit, upon which hee lies a prisoner to answer it at the Court appointed for the management of his Maty 8 Revenue

Mr Santen since Ms commitm* hath been soe unruly @ abusive to mee and the Council that in our own defence, Wee are force't to send him home, tbreatning us with Chains at least for what wee have done, councilors

The names of y e Councilors Major Anthony Brockhells Frederick Flipson

Stephen V Courtlandt

him to be arrested in an action of account at his Ma'y 3 suit, upon which hee lies a prisoner to answer it at the Court appointed for the management of his Maty 8 Revenue

Mr Santen since Ms commitm* hath been soe unruly @ abusive to mee and the Council that in our own defence, Wee are force't to send him home, tbreatning us with Chains at least for what wee have done, councilors

The names of y e Councilors Major Anthony Brockhells Frederick Flipson

Stephen V Courtlandt

John Spragg Gervis Baxter

The Council thought fit not to give Mr. Santen his oath as appears by the Minutes of Council John Young had his oath given him but hee lives 1 50 miles from this, @ has no estate of his own and very old, that it is a thing impossible for him to serve There being a clause in my Instructions wherein I am limited not to act without five, therefore Mr John Spragg @ Major Jervis Baxter going for England, and there not being a sufficient number to make a quorum, I have by Vertue of a clause in my letters Patents, impowring mee in case of absence out of the Government death or Suspension to add of the principal Freeholders) given the

oath to Judge Palmer and Nicolas Bayard the present Mayor to serve in the Council until his Maty 8 pleasure be known

And whereas there is a clause in my instructions to send over the names of six persons more fitt to supply the vacancy of the Council six of the fittest I find in this Government are as followeth

Santen his oath as appears by the Minutes of Council John Young had his oath given him but hee lives 1 50 miles from this, @ has no estate of his own and very old, that it is a thing impossible for him to serve There being a clause in my Instructions wherein I am limited not to act without five, therefore Mr John Spragg @ Major Jervis Baxter going for England, and there not being a sufficient number to make a quorum, I have by Vertue of a clause in my letters Patents, impowring mee in case of absence out of the Government death or Suspension to add of the principal Freeholders) given the

oath to Judge Palmer and Nicolas Bayard the present Mayor to serve in the Council until his Maty 8 pleasure be known

And whereas there is a clause in my instructions to send over the names of six persons more fitt to supply the vacancy of the Council six of the fittest I find in this Government are as followeth

Mathias Nichols Judge

James Graham William Smith Gabriel Minvielle

Francis Rumbouls

Major Nicolas Demyre

VII.

PAPERS RELATING TO

itt.

&t

flDmonotlW'a (gxytHiUon

THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

16S7.

;

EXTRACT FROM THE KING'S INSTRUCTIONS TO THE MARQUIS DE DENONVILLE, March [

10, 1685.

Paris Doc. III. ]

His principal object ought to be to establish, the repose of the Colony by a firm and solid peace. But to render this peace durable he must lower the pride of the Iroquois, support the Illinois and the other alhes whom S r de la Barre has abandoned, and by a firm and vigorous policy to let the said Iroquois know that they will have every thing to fear if they do not submit to the conditions which

His principal object ought to be to establish, the repose of the Colony by a firm and solid peace. But to render this peace durable he must lower the pride of the Iroquois, support the Illinois and the other alhes whom S r de la Barre has abandoned, and by a firm and vigorous policy to let the said Iroquois know that they will have every thing to fear if they do not submit to the conditions which

he intends to impose on them.

He will, then, first declare to them that he shall protect with all his power the allies of the French inform the Illinois, the Outaouacs, Miamis and others of the same thing, and should he deem it proper to back this declaration by troops and an expedition against the Senecas, His Majesty leaves

it

to

him to adopt, in his regard, such resolutions as he shall deem most suitable, being well persuaded that he will follow the best course, and that his experience in war will place him in a position to bring that to a speedy conclusion if he be obliged to undertake it.

He ought to be informed that the Commandant of New York has pretended to aid the Iroquois and to extend the English domination even to the bank of the River St. Lawrence and over the whole extent of Country inhabited by those Savages. And though His Majesty doubts not but the King of

England to whom he has made representations by his Ambassador, will give orders to his Commandant to put a stop to these unjust pretensions, he, notwithstanding, considers it necessary to explain to him that he ought to do every thing to maintain good understanding between the French and English Yet should the latter, contrary to every appearance, rouse the Savages and afford them succor, he must act towards them as towards enemies, when he finds them in the Indian Country, without, however, attempting any thing in the countries under the King of England's obedience. :

England to whom he has made representations by his Ambassador, will give orders to his Commandant to put a stop to these unjust pretensions, he, notwithstanding, considers it necessary to explain to him that he ought to do every thing to maintain good understanding between the French and English Yet should the latter, contrary to every appearance, rouse the Savages and afford them succor, he must act towards them as towards enemies, when he finds them in the Indian Country, without, however, attempting any thing in the countries under the King of England's obedience. :

FATHER LAMBERVILLE TO GOV. DONGAN. [

London Doc. V. ]

From Onnontaguf, 10 Sept. 1685.

My Lord --I had the honour not long since to write to you--it was last month since the despatch of my last letter, the Senecas who were desirous to make trouble and to persuade the Mohawks and ;

other villages to unite with them against Mons r de la Barre, have changed their minds since they were assured that the peace concluded last year, as you desired, should not be broken by M. de la ;

Barre, as they were maliciously told, and as a hundred false reports which are never ceased being

[Vol.

I.]

would persuade them. To complete successfully what you have so well begun, it only remains to exhort the Senecas to add a few more peltries to the ten beavers and thirty otters which related

they left in deposit with the Onnontagues to satisfy last year.

other villages to unite with them against Mons r de la Barre, have changed their minds since they were assured that the peace concluded last year, as you desired, should not be broken by M. de la ;

Barre, as they were maliciously told, and as a hundred false reports which are never ceased being

[Vol.

I.]

would persuade them. To complete successfully what you have so well begun, it only remains to exhort the Senecas to add a few more peltries to the ten beavers and thirty otters which related

they left in deposit with the Onnontagues to satisfy last year.

M de la Barre, as you recommended them to do r

Let your zeal for the public peace, and especially for the Christians of this America induce

you, if you please, to put the finishing hand to this good work and to

recommend the Senecas and

other villages not to attach credit to the new floating rumors, since it is true that the Gov 1 of Canada '

desires with all his heart that all tilings should be quiet and to second your just intentions.

The

Onnontagues and those who are of their opinions, have operated powerfully on the minds of the said Senecas to induce them to resume thoughts of peace, as well as Mr. Arnout, bearer of this letter,

who was present at what was done and said

;

and who can inform you, and from whom you will be

glad to receive this report.

Since peace, through your care, will aparently last, we shall continue to carry the Christian faith

Onnontagues and those who are of their opinions, have operated powerfully on the minds of the said Senecas to induce them to resume thoughts of peace, as well as Mr. Arnout, bearer of this letter,

who was present at what was done and said

;

and who can inform you, and from whom you will be

glad to receive this report.

Since peace, through your care, will aparently last, we shall continue to carry the Christian faith

through this Country, and to solicit the Indians, whom you honor with your friendship, to embrace

you yourself embrace it, for this is the sole object that has caused us to come here, that the blood of Jesus Christ, shed for all men, may be useful to them, and that His glory may be great

it as

throughout the earth. If you will please to

honour me with a line from your hand, you can have your letter given to

one named Garakontie who is deputed from the Onnontagues to repair to the Diet which you have

Do him the charity to exhort him to be a good Christian, as he was whose name he bears, and who was his brother. Recommend him I beseech you not to get drunk any more, as he promised when he was baptized, and to perform the duties of a Christian. One word convoked at Albany.

from you will have a wonderful effect on his mind, and he will publish throughout that it is not true them to be Christians since you who command them will have exhorted

Do him the charity to exhort him to be a good Christian, as he was whose name he bears, and who was his brother. Recommend him I beseech you not to get drunk any more, as he promised when he was baptized, and to perform the duties of a Christian. One word convoked at Albany.

from you will have a wonderful effect on his mind, and he will publish throughout that it is not true them to be Christians since you who command them will have exhorted

that the English forbid

them to persevere therein. I pray God, who has given us the grace to be united in the same Catholic faith, to unite us also in Heaven and that he may heap his graces on you here on earth, is the wish of him who is perfectly and with all manner of respect, My Lord, Your very humble and ;

very obedient servant,

Jean de Lamberville, of the order of Jesuits, (called in Indian, Teiorhensere.)

Oblige me, I request you, to have the enclosed sent to its address. Please,

My Lord, pardon me the liberty which I take to present my humble respects to the Governor of Virginia, who is called among the Indians, Big Sword or Cutlass, who I learn is with you at

Albany, to whom, some time ago, I caused to be restored an Englishman named Rolelman, whom these Indians here had plundered and captured and whom I took into my hut to save him from the

Oblige me, I request you, to have the enclosed sent to its address. Please,

My Lord, pardon me the liberty which I take to present my humble respects to the Governor of Virginia, who is called among the Indians, Big Sword or Cutlass, who I learn is with you at

Albany, to whom, some time ago, I caused to be restored an Englishman named Rolelman, whom these Indians here had plundered and captured and whom I took into my hut to save him from the

fury of some refractory people and from those who would make him their slave. vice I would desire to render him.

It is the least ser-

DENONVILLe's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

MEMOIR CONCERNING THE PRESENT STATE OF CANADA AND THE MEASURES THAT MAY BE ADOPTED FOR THE SECURITY OF THE COUNTRY.

12 NOVEMBER 1685.

(Extract.) [Paris Doc. III.]

The most to be feared is the Iroquois who are the most powerful in consequence of the facility with which they obtain arms from the English and the number of slaves they make daily among this is the only their neighbours by carrying away at an early age their children, whom they adopt means of their increase, for thro' their debaucheries of Brandy wliich lead them into frightful dis;

orders, the few children their women raise could not of themselves assuredly sustain them, if they

did not make prisoners.

The great trade in arms and ammunition at a low rate, among the English has given them hitherto that advantage which they have over other nations who in order to be disarmed have been destroyed

The most to be feared is the Iroquois who are the most powerful in consequence of the facility with which they obtain arms from the English and the number of slaves they make daily among this is the only their neighbours by carrying away at an early age their children, whom they adopt means of their increase, for thro' their debaucheries of Brandy wliich lead them into frightful dis;

orders, the few children their women raise could not of themselves assuredly sustain them, if they

did not make prisoners.

The great trade in arms and ammunition at a low rate, among the English has given them hitherto that advantage which they have over other nations who in order to be disarmed have been destroyed

by the former who are all of them insolent. Even the English in Virginia have suffered and still from them every day ; but the interest of the trader at Orange and Manatte supersedes the public interest, for if they would not sell them powder, that nation could be more easily conquered suffer

than any other.

dant on them

;

of which have other smaller ones depen-

It consists of five principal villages, each

the first is called Annie (Mohawk) which can furnish two hundred men fit for service

and are ten leagues from Orange (Albany) the second is Oneyoust (Oneida) which can furnish one hundred and fifty men at from 15 to 20 leagues from Annie the third is Onnontague which could bring out three hundred men, ('tis one hundred leagues from Montreal) the fourth is Goyoguoain (Cayuga) which could put two hundred men a-foot, at twelve leagues from Lake Ontario, and the Sonoutouans (Senecas) the fifth, who comprize, as it is reported, twelve hundred men bearing arms, ;

and are ten leagues from Orange (Albany) the second is Oneyoust (Oneida) which can furnish one hundred and fifty men at from 15 to 20 leagues from Annie the third is Onnontague which could bring out three hundred men, ('tis one hundred leagues from Montreal) the fourth is Goyoguoain (Cayuga) which could put two hundred men a-foot, at twelve leagues from Lake Ontario, and the Sonoutouans (Senecas) the fifth, who comprize, as it is reported, twelve hundred men bearing arms, ;

;

;

at five leagues South of the Lake.

The Senecas being the strongest, are the most insolent.

The idea must not be entertained that this

Nation can ever be reduced except by being in a position to pounce on them

;

which cannot be done

without approaching them, occupying some posts where provisions can be placed for the troops who

be sent after them. To accomplish this sufficiently apropos without being perceived by the enemy, in consequence of the navigation of the river, which is full of Rapids and Cascades, impassable except by portages, independent of the distance herein consists all the care and difficulty.

will

--

The post of Catarokuy appears to me the most advantageous, by placing it in a better state of defence than it is. It is at the entrance of Lake Ontario from the extremity of which the Senecas are distant only five or six leagues, in a beautiful country towards the South.

The position of this fort is sufficiently favorable to secure the barks against the storms and the atThe passage to be made through this lake is forty or fifty leagues before disembarking near the Senecas. The three barks at Catarokuy will be particularly useful in this enterprize by putting them in repair, for they

It is at the entrance of Lake Ontario from the extremity of which the Senecas are distant only five or six leagues, in a beautiful country towards the South.

The position of this fort is sufficiently favorable to secure the barks against the storms and the atThe passage to be made through this lake is forty or fifty leagues before disembarking near the Senecas. The three barks at Catarokuy will be particularly useful in this enterprize by putting them in repair, for they

tacks of the Indians at a trifling expense which will require to be made on it.

*#*

have been much neglected. *

#

*

#

#

#

*

#

It appears to me extremely important that the King render himself absolute master of this Lake, which is more than three hundred leagues in circumference. I am persuaded that the English would like particularly to have a post there, which would be immensely prejudicial to the Colony and the King's power on this Continent ; his Majesty could easily make himself master of it, without any

opposition, by the permanent establishment of a post, with vessels on this lake,

and by another fort

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

and vessels on lake Erie which is only two leagues distant, by the Niagara River, from this lake Ontario ;

but as tins post cannot be established until after the Iroquois are conquered, I shall, before

entering into a detail of the means of conquering that Nation, again say, regarding the importance

opposition, by the permanent establishment of a post, with vessels on this lake,

and by another fort

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

and vessels on lake Erie which is only two leagues distant, by the Niagara River, from this lake Ontario ;

but as tins post cannot be established until after the Iroquois are conquered, I shall, before

entering into a detail of the means of conquering that Nation, again say, regarding the importance

of occupying those posts, that the English have so great a facility to establish themselves there that

power of the Iroquois alone which has prevented them having posts there, since Lake Onfrom Manatte and Orange, there being a distance of only one hundred leagues through a fine country. The importance of the post to be occupied on lake Erie is easily perceived, since we can easily go in vessels from that lake to Missilimakina which would be a great facility for the trade of the country, to keep the Outaouacs in check and in obedience to the King besides, we should have the means of it is the

tario can be easily reached on horseback

;

reaching through tins lake the Illinois, and surmount by this communication with ships many of the difficulties experienced in the Rivers in consequence of the

number of portages.

Being masters of

these two lakes and cruizing there with our vessels, the English would lose the Beaver trade in that quarter, of which they have abundance.

A durable peace with the Iroquois Indians would be more advantageous to the Colony than prosecuting a war ; but this Nation has assumed such excessively insolent and haughty airs towards

reaching through tins lake the Illinois, and surmount by this communication with ships many of the difficulties experienced in the Rivers in consequence of the

number of portages.

Being masters of

these two lakes and cruizing there with our vessels, the English would lose the Beaver trade in that quarter, of which they have abundance.

A durable peace with the Iroquois Indians would be more advantageous to the Colony than prosecuting a war ; but this Nation has assumed such excessively insolent and haughty airs towards

all

the other tribes against whom they wage war and at whose expense they daily increase ; and joined to that, the odds they have had from a disadvantageous peace concluded last year with us, has placed

them in a position that, Ave may be assured, they will break with us on the first opportunity. It is yet more certain that if they be not checked, they will reassume their former insolent air the moment there will be no more troops in this country, however they may promise us at present, and will no doubt insult us, and subject us to all possible outrage. It is necessary, then, to examine the most certain means of destroying and conquering their five villages, which according to the above estimate, may bring into the field about two thousand men bearing arms, and in a condition to go to war. I consider that what troops we have, and what militia we can collect together, if we had them all with some of our Savages, would suffice to attack them but as it is not sufficient to make them let go their foot, and it becomes necessary to deprive them of all means of disturbing us in our settlements, we must not go after them to chastise them by halves but to annihilate them if possible.

I consider that what troops we have, and what militia we can collect together, if we had them all with some of our Savages, would suffice to attack them but as it is not sufficient to make them let go their foot, and it becomes necessary to deprive them of all means of disturbing us in our settlements, we must not go after them to chastise them by halves but to annihilate them if possible. This cannot be done without the aid of a number of Savages sufficiently great to pursue them in security to the distant forests towards Maryland and Andastes whither they will retreat if they find that we are more powerful than they and as it is of extreme importance not to declare war against them ;

;

until we are in a condition to vanquish them, it will be absolutely necessary to adopt measures with

the Illinois, their enemies, and with the Savages our allies, to engage them to unite with us in attacking them and pursuing them into the woods whither they never

fail to retire, daring not to

stand

For as it would be very unfortunate not to vanquish them if we attack them, nothing ought to be neglected that can be done, to endeavor to destroy them and put it beyond their power against us.

to injure the Colony.

If we succeed, I calculate the English will lose their trade in that quarter.

I find all our allies so discontented with us, and so dissatisfied on account of the idle march which

stand

For as it would be very unfortunate not to vanquish them if we attack them, nothing ought to be neglected that can be done, to endeavor to destroy them and put it beyond their power against us.

to injure the Colony.

If we succeed, I calculate the English will lose their trade in that quarter.

I find all our allies so discontented with us, and so dissatisfied on account of the idle march which

we caused them to make last year, that according to what I learn, I do not believe that any of them can be relied on. Before engaging in a war, then, I considered it prudent to permit the continuance of the negotiations of a certain Onontague savage, accredited by them and the other Iroquois, who is said to wish

Notwithstanding I bethought me of managing the Illinois by promising them every protection, and as Chevalier de Tonty, who is in command at the fort on behalf of M. de Lafor nothing but peace.

salle, has

considerable influence

among the Illinois, I have deemed it a duty to advise him of my

arrival

and of he necessity which exists that he should speak, as soon as possible, for the King's

interest.

I likewise sent to M. de Ladurantaye who is at lake Superior under orders from M. de Labarre, and to Sieur Duluth who is also at a great distance in another direction, and all so far beyond reach that neither the one nor the other can have news from me this year, so that not being able to see them all, at soonest before next July, I considered it best not to think of undertaking any thing during the

I likewise sent to M. de Ladurantaye who is at lake Superior under orders from M. de Labarre, and to Sieur Duluth who is also at a great distance in another direction, and all so far beyond reach that neither the one nor the other can have news from me this year, so that not being able to see them all, at soonest before next July, I considered it best not to think of undertaking any thing during the

whole of next year, especially as a great number of our best men of the Colony are among the Outaouacs, and cannot return before the ensuing summer. Moreover, learning that six tribes of our friends and allies are at war with each other, and as it is absolutely necessary to reconcile them before thinking of deriving any advantage from them, I sent

presents and instructions to M. Ladurantaye to collect our French and put himself at their head, in

order to support his reasoning and to have more authority to reconcile them in concert with Father

Anjeblan Jesuit Missionary at Missilimakina.

We shall, however, lose no time in putting ourselves in a position to resent the insults that the Iroquois may oifer the Colony, which would suffer very much if we were mastered, and we will not let

pass any negotiations that offer so as to lull the Senecas who are the most insolent,

and with

whom there is no permanent peace to be expected, much less that they will observe it with our allies whose total destruction they contemplate. Chevalier de Tonty commandant of

We shall, however, lose no time in putting ourselves in a position to resent the insults that the Iroquois may oifer the Colony, which would suffer very much if we were mastered, and we will not let

pass any negotiations that offer so as to lull the Senecas who are the most insolent,

and with

whom there is no permanent peace to be expected, much less that they will observe it with our allies whose total destruction they contemplate. Chevalier de Tonty commandant of

M de Lasalle's fort among the Illinois, coming next week, we

shall agree together as to what is best to be done to secure the conquest of this Nation, which I un--

derstand can be done if he can march with a sufficiently large body of Illinois behind lake Erie and

come to Niagara, as Sieur de la Forest who commanded at Fort Catarokvy told me could be done, who also assured me that powder and at least four or five hundred guns would be required to arm these people. This is but a loan, which the said Sieur de Laforest is certain will be reimbursed in cash, by the said Sieur de Tonty.

The said Sieur de La Forest having demanded my permission to go and join said Sieur de Tonty on M de Lasalle's business, I deemed it proper to select a capable person to guarantee the safety of the Post of Catarokvy. I chose Sieur D'Orvilliers a very prudent and intelligent man and who has much experience, whose conduct during M de Labarre's administration is praised and approved by all persons of property in the country.

The said Sieur de La Forest having demanded my permission to go and join said Sieur de Tonty on M de Lasalle's business, I deemed it proper to select a capable person to guarantee the safety of the Post of Catarokvy. I chose Sieur D'Orvilliers a very prudent and intelligent man and who has much experience, whose conduct during M de Labarre's administration is praised and approved by all persons of property in the country.

I gave him his company as a garrison, with

some workmen as well to refit the vessels as to repair

the barracks, and to put the fort in the best possible condition to pass the winter.

And as there is a great resort of Iroquois at that place, and as there is quite a number established there, I requested the Jesuit Fathers to station Father Milet there to act as Interpreter and to correspond with Father de Lamberville who is a Missionary among the Onontagues who evince a desire for peace.

In regard to Sieur Duluth I sent him orders to repair here so that I may learn from himself the

number of savages on whom I may depend he is accredited among them and rendered great services to M de Labarre by a considerable number of savages whom he brought to him to Niagara, who alone would have attacked the Senecas were it not for an express order from M de Labarre to the contrary. :

On arriving here I found neither batteaux nor canoes for our troops, and as they are absolutely useless if not adapted to pass from one point to another ;

number of savages on whom I may depend he is accredited among them and rendered great services to M de Labarre by a considerable number of savages whom he brought to him to Niagara, who alone would have attacked the Senecas were it not for an express order from M de Labarre to the contrary. :

On arriving here I found neither batteaux nor canoes for our troops, and as they are absolutely useless if not adapted to pass from one point to another ;

knowing by experience that the expense of

canoes is too great and that they require too much attention and repair, I thought I could not do better than to order plank to be prepared for one hundred flat batteaux, which will carry twice more

than canoes and will be much cheaper both in cost and repair, because a batteau that will carry two

thousand pounds will not cost more than a canoe which will carry only one.

The means for preparing to wage war against the Iroquois, if the King approve of it, so that that Nation may not have any suspicion, remain to be considered.

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

It is very much to be desired that first of all, sufficient flour

into Catarokvy next year, so as to have nothing to

enemy

;

and other provisions might be put do the following year but to march against the

but as I do not think it possible to convey the whole quantity of provisions necessary thither

The means for preparing to wage war against the Iroquois, if the King approve of it, so that that Nation may not have any suspicion, remain to be considered.

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

It is very much to be desired that first of all, sufficient flour

into Catarokvy next year, so as to have nothing to

enemy

;

and other provisions might be put do the following year but to march against the

but as I do not think it possible to convey the whole quantity of provisions necessary thither

without the savages naturally suspicious taking umbrage, measures must be adopted to accomplish in the same year with great diligence, which cannot be effected without trouble and expense, for

all

in truth, the difficulties in surmounting rapids and cascades, twenty-five to thirty leagues in extent,

are immense.

This, however, is not all ; for

it is well

to consider that the arrangements are not easy to be made

so as to secure punctuality, since from the Illinois country there are four hundred leagues to be

and from the Outaouacs and Savages of lake

travelled to arrive at Niagara, the place of rendezvous ;

Superior, three hundred leagues, and from Quebec nearly two hundred to the said place of Niagara.

All this

must make me think of putting myself in a condition to be, myself, sufficiently strong to

fight them without any other aid than that of this country.

The conveyance of supplies and the expense are my sole difficulties.

so as to secure punctuality, since from the Illinois country there are four hundred leagues to be

and from the Outaouacs and Savages of lake

travelled to arrive at Niagara, the place of rendezvous ;

Superior, three hundred leagues, and from Quebec nearly two hundred to the said place of Niagara.

All this

must make me think of putting myself in a condition to be, myself, sufficiently strong to

fight them without any other aid than that of this country.

The conveyance of supplies and the expense are my sole difficulties.

The neighbourhood of Catarokvy indifferently fertile in grain, produces good peas M. de Laforest assures me that he has nearly I caused him to give orders to have them all sown, and M. d'Orvilliers not three hundred minots. to allow any to be consumed, but will make the soldiers work and oblige them to plant some. That supply a trifling of four or five hundred year. minots for next will be ;

***********

It will require considerable expense to render the river navigable ; the

Map I have caused to be

made of it will afford some imperfect idea by remarking the pitch in several places there. The surest remedy against the English of New York would be to purchase that place from the King of England who in the present state of his affairs, will, without doubt, require money of the King. By that means we should be masters of the Iroquois without waging war.

M.

DE DENONVILLE TO THE MINISTER, 8 May 1686. [

made of it will afford some imperfect idea by remarking the pitch in several places there. The surest remedy against the English of New York would be to purchase that place from the King of England who in the present state of his affairs, will, without doubt, require money of the King. By that means we should be masters of the Iroquois without waging war.

M.

DE DENONVILLE TO THE MINISTER, 8 May 1686. [

Paris Doc. III.

]

I learn that the news which I had the honour to send you of the appearance on Lakes Ontario and

Erie of English Canoes accompanied by French Deserters on their way to the Outaouacs is true. There are ten of them loaded with merchandize. Thereupon, my Lord, I sent orders to Missilimakina, to Catarokouy and other places where we had Frenchmen, to run and seize them, and I

am resolved

to send another officer with twelve reliable men to join Sieur D'Orvilliers at Catarosky, who is to go

with Sieur de Lasalle's bark to Niagara to treat there with the Iroquois Indians on their return from This officer, with the aid of this bark and some canoes hunting. He will take some men with him.

which shall be furnished him, will post himself with twenty good men at the River, communicating from Lake Erie with that of Ontario, near Niagara by which place the English who ascended Lake I regard, my Lord, as of Erie" must of necessity pass on their return home with their peltries. primary importance the prohibition of this trade to the English, who without doubt, would entirely ruin ours both by the cheaper bargains they could give the Indians and by attracting to them the

which shall be furnished him, will post himself with twenty good men at the River, communicating from Lake Erie with that of Ontario, near Niagara by which place the English who ascended Lake I regard, my Lord, as of Erie" must of necessity pass on their return home with their peltries. primary importance the prohibition of this trade to the English, who without doubt, would entirely ruin ours both by the cheaper bargains they could give the Indians and by attracting to them the

***********

Frenchmen of our Colony who are accustomed to go into the woods.

DENONVILLE'S EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

I am persuaded that the Iroquois are very anxious for peace now that they see troops, but I do

not at all believe that they will submit not to make war any more against the other Nations our allies, therefore there is no doubt but

we must prepare to humble them.

What I should consider most eifectual to accomplish this, would be the establishment of a right good post at Niagara.

The manner in which the English have managed with the Iroquois hitherto, when desirous to establish themselves in their neighbourhood, has been to make them presents for the purchase of the soil and

the property of the land they wish to occupy.

What I see most certain is, whether we

by them or have peace or war with them, they will submit with considerable impatience to see a fort built at Niagara which would secure to us the communication between the two lakes would render us masters of the road the Senecas take in going to hunt for furs, none of which they have on their own grounds it is likewise their rendezvous when hunting for their supplies of meat with which as well as with all sorts of fish, this country abounds.

by them or have peace or war with them, they will submit with considerable impatience to see a fort built at Niagara which would secure to us the communication between the two lakes would render us masters of the road the Senecas take in going to hunt for furs, none of which they have on their own grounds it is likewise their rendezvous when hunting for their supplies of meat with which as well as with all sorts of fish, this country abounds. This post would be of great advantage to the other nations who are at war with these, and who durst not approach them, having too long a road to travel when retreating. It would keep them in check and in obedience, especially by building a Fort sufficiently large to contain a force of 4 or 500 men to make war on them this cannot be done without expense because it must be enclosed by a simple, ordinary picket fence to place it beyond all insult, not being in a position to be relieved by us. To guarantee its construction, it must not be doubted for a moment, though at peace with them, but a guard would be necessary there for the security of the workmen. The freight of provisions as well for the garrison as the troops to be stationed there is very high, since a thousand pounds w* which is a load for a canoe, costs 110 liv. from Ville Marie on the Island of Montreal to Catarakouy. Independent of mere provisions, how many other necessaries and munitions are required This post, my Lord, would absolutely close the entire road to the Outaouacs against the English, and would enable us to prevent the Iroquois carrying their peltries to the latter for with the redoubt at Catarokouy which would serve us as an Entrepot to shelter our barks from the storms in winter, we having posts at both sides of the Lake could render ourselves Masters of the hunting of that Nation who can support itself merely by that means and would draw but little from the English if it had no more peltries to give them What is very certain, they would carry them much fewer than act so

Independent of mere provisions, how many other necessaries and munitions are required This post, my Lord, would absolutely close the entire road to the Outaouacs against the English, and would enable us to prevent the Iroquois carrying their peltries to the latter for with the redoubt at Catarokouy which would serve us as an Entrepot to shelter our barks from the storms in winter, we having posts at both sides of the Lake could render ourselves Masters of the hunting of that Nation who can support itself merely by that means and would draw but little from the English if it had no more peltries to give them What is very certain, they would carry them much fewer than act so

;

;

;

!

;

:

heretofore. I propose to send Sieur D'Orvilliers to Niagara this year with Sieur de Villeneuve, the draughtsman

whom you gave me, to draw the plan, and after I shall have seen the Iroquois at Villemarie on the Island of Montreal and we shall

know what we have to expect from them, I'll see if I shall not be

able to take a trip thither myself, in order to furnish

you with a more certain report thereon

;

for to

rely on Sieur de Villeneuve alone, he is a very good, very accurate, very faithful draughtsman, but in other respects he has not a very well ordered

mind

;

it is

too confined to be able to furnish out of

his own head any ideas for the establishment of a post and its management.

able to take a trip thither myself, in order to furnish

you with a more certain report thereon

;

for to

rely on Sieur de Villeneuve alone, he is a very good, very accurate, very faithful draughtsman, but in other respects he has not a very well ordered

mind

;

it is

too confined to be able to furnish out of

his own head any ideas for the establishment of a post and its management.

am assured that the land in the neighbourhood is very fine and fertile, easy of cultivation it is Everything I learn confirms me in the opinion which I entertain, that ;

situate about the 41 th degree.

this post would, in three years at farthest, support itself.

draw war on us, if you wish to avoid it

;

It is to be feared that fortifying it

would

but at the same time I believe that were the Senecas to see

us well planted there, they would be more pliant.

Should this plan be agreeable to you, my Lord, please send masons and plenty of instruments to break up the ground and convey stone.

You will be surprised, my Lord, to learn that Sieur de Chailly, of whom I had the honour to write you this fall, not being able to have his cmge from me to retire to France with all his property which

denonville's expedition to the genesee country and Niagara.

*###

lie sent off last year before

my arrival, has fled and deserted the Country, to pass over to Orange

Should this plan be agreeable to you, my Lord, please send masons and plenty of instruments to break up the ground and convey stone.

You will be surprised, my Lord, to learn that Sieur de Chailly, of whom I had the honour to write you this fall, not being able to have his cmge from me to retire to France with all his property which

denonville's expedition to the genesee country and Niagara.

*###

lie sent off last year before

my arrival, has fled and deserted the Country, to pass over to Orange

##

(Albany) and thence without doubt by way of England to France. #

What is disagreeable in it

#

#

#

•

is, that he will have informed Governor Dongan of every thing he

knows of our expeditions to the Bale du Nord (Hudson's Bay) and has learned of the interests of the country and our designs.

beg of you, my Lord, to permit of the confiscation of whatever

property may be found belonging to him for the benefit of the two hospitals of the Colony.

FROM GOV. DONGAN TO M. DE DENONVILLE. [London Doc. V.

;

Par. Doc. III.]

Albany, May 22. 1686.

Sir

-- have sent

for the

five Nations of Indians y

belongs to this Governm*. to meet me at this

place, to give them in charge that they should not goe to your side of the Great Lakes nor disturbe

your Indians and Traders, butt since my coming here I am informed that our Indians are apprehensive of warr by your putting stores into Cataract [Cataraqui] and ordering some forces to meet there. I know you are a

-- have sent

for the

five Nations of Indians y

belongs to this Governm*. to meet me at this

place, to give them in charge that they should not goe to your side of the Great Lakes nor disturbe

your Indians and Traders, butt since my coming here I am informed that our Indians are apprehensive of warr by your putting stores into Cataract [Cataraqui] and ordering some forces to meet there. I know you are a

man of judgment and that you will not attack the King of England's subjects.

Being informed that those Indians with whom our Indians are engaged in war with, are to the West

and Southwest of the greate Lakes (if so) in reason you can have no pretence to them. It is my intention that our Indians shall not warr with the farr Indians. Whether they doe or not it does not seem reasonable that you should ingage yourself in the quarrell of Indians wee pretend to, against our own Indians. Whether these Territories belong to our or the French King is not to be decided here, but by our Masters at home ; and your business & mine is to take Mapps of the Country so well as we can and to send them home for the limits to be adjusted there.

am likewise informed that you are intended to build a ttbrt at a place called Ohniagero on this

side of the Lake within

my Masters territoryes without question (I cannot believe it,) that a person

Whether these Territories belong to our or the French King is not to be decided here, but by our Masters at home ; and your business & mine is to take Mapps of the Country so well as we can and to send them home for the limits to be adjusted there.

am likewise informed that you are intended to build a ttbrt at a place called Ohniagero on this

side of the Lake within

my Masters territoryes without question (I cannot believe it,) that a person

that has your reputation in the world would follow the steps of Mons r Labarre and be ill advised by

some interested persons in your Governm 4 to make disturbance between our Masters subjects in these parts of the world for a little pillitree when all these differences may be ended by an amicable ;

correspondence between us, If there be any thing amiss I doe assure you

it shall not

be my fault,

though we have suffered much, and doe dayly by your People's trading within the King of England's territoryes. I have had two letters from the two Fathers that lives amongst our Indians, and I find them somewhat disturbed with an apprehension of war, which is groundlesse, being resolved that it shall not begin here, and I hope your prudent conduct will prevent it there, and referr all differences

home as I shall doe.

I heare one of the

Fathers is gone to you, and the other that staid I have sent

though we have suffered much, and doe dayly by your People's trading within the King of England's territoryes. I have had two letters from the two Fathers that lives amongst our Indians, and I find them somewhat disturbed with an apprehension of war, which is groundlesse, being resolved that it shall not begin here, and I hope your prudent conduct will prevent it there, and referr all differences

home as I shall doe.

I heare one of the

Fathers is gone to you, and the other that staid I have sent

for him here lest the Indians should insult

over him, tho'

its a thousand

pittys that those that have

made such progress in the service of God should be disturbed, and that by the fault of those that laid the foundation of Christianity amongst these

barbarous people.

Setting apart the station I am in I am as much Mons r Desnonville's

humble Servant as any friend

he has, and will omit noe opportunity of manifesting the same Sr

Your humble Serv 1 Tho* Dongan.

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

my sending a gentleman to Quebec to conam constrained to make use of y e Father for j* safe

This Rumor of y r coming to Cataracto has prevented gratulate your arryval in y e Governm* soe

conveyance of this to your hands

M.

DE DENONVILLE TO GOV. DONGAN. [Par. Doc. III.l Ville marie, June 20. 1686.

I received, Sir, the letter

which you did me the honour

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

my sending a gentleman to Quebec to conam constrained to make use of y e Father for j* safe

This Rumor of y r coming to Cataracto has prevented gratulate your arryval in y e Governm* soe

conveyance of this to your hands

M.

DE DENONVILLE TO GOV. DONGAN. [Par. Doc. III.l Ville marie, June 20. 1686.

I received, Sir, the letter

which you did me the honour

to write

me on the 22 n May last, «i

You will sufficiently learn, in the end, how devoid of all foundation are the advices which you have had of my pretended designs and that all that has been told you by the deserters from the Colony ought to be much suspected by you.

You are, Sir, too well acquainted with the service and the manner that things must be conducted, to take any umbrage at the supplies which I

send to Cataracouy for the subsistence of the soldiers

which I have there.

You know the savages sufficiently to be well assured that it would be very imprudent on my part You are not ignorant that it is impossible to get up there at all seasons if I were to have them conveyed to leave that place without having enough of supplies and munitions there for one year's time. ;

for a large force, I should have

used other means.

The natural treachery of a people without faith and without religion, require us to be so far distrustful of them that you ought not to blame me for using precaution against their restlessness and caprice.

You know the savages sufficiently to be well assured that it would be very imprudent on my part You are not ignorant that it is impossible to get up there at all seasons if I were to have them conveyed to leave that place without having enough of supplies and munitions there for one year's time. ;

for a large force, I should have

used other means.

The natural treachery of a people without faith and without religion, require us to be so far distrustful of them that you ought not to blame me for using precaution against their restlessness and caprice.

you by my letter of the 6 th June last that the orders I have from my Master manifest merely the zeal which His Majesty entertains for the progress of Religion and for the support and maintenance of the Missionaries. I expect from your piety that you will not be I had the honor to inform

opposed to that, knowing well how much you love religion.

Do you think, Sir, that they will reap much fruit whilst the savages are allowed no peace in the villages in which our Missionaries are established 1

When I came here, I thought Peace was assured between the Iroquois and us and our Savage allies. You see, Sir, what has been the conduct of the Iroquois in this rencounter.

Can you say, Sir, that I

am wrong in distrusting them 1 They are alarmed at the war which they fancy I shall wage against them their conscience only could have impressed them with this idea, since I have not done the least thing to make them believe that I want any thing else from them than to see peace well established throughout all the country. What have I done to cause them the least uneasiness 1 And what do they want 1 In respect to the pretensions which you say you have to the lands of this country, certainly you are not well informed of all the entries into possession (prises de possessions) which have been made in the name of the King my Master, and of the establishments which we have of long standing on the lands and on the lakes and as I have no doubt but our Masters will easily agree among them;

What have I done to cause them the least uneasiness 1 And what do they want 1 In respect to the pretensions which you say you have to the lands of this country, certainly you are not well informed of all the entries into possession (prises de possessions) which have been made in the name of the King my Master, and of the establishments which we have of long standing on the lands and on the lakes and as I have no doubt but our Masters will easily agree among them;

;

selves, seeing the union and good understanding that obtain

between them, I willingly consent with

you that their Majesties regulate the limits among themselves wishing nothing more than to live with you in good understanding but to that end, Sir, it would be very apropos that a gentleman so ;

[Vol. I.]

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

worthy as you should not grant protection to all the rogues, vagabonds and thieves who desert and seek refuge with you, and who, to acquire some merit with you believe they cannot do better than to

you^many impertinencies of us, which will have no end so long as you will listen to them. The letter which the Kev. Father de Lamberville has been so kind as to be the bearer of from me on the 6 th June last ought to suffice, Sir, to put you perfectly in possession of my intentions. It would be unnecessary that I should make any other reply to your last of the 22* of May, were it not that I was very glad hereby to prove to you again that I shall always feel a great pleasure in seizing every opportunity to shew that I am tell

Father de Lamberville has been so kind as to be the bearer of from me on the 6 th June last ought to suffice, Sir, to put you perfectly in possession of my intentions. It would be unnecessary that I should make any other reply to your last of the 22* of May, were it not that I was very glad hereby to prove to you again that I shall always feel a great pleasure in seizing every opportunity to shew that I am tell

Sir,

Your very humble & very obedient Servant.

COL.

DONGAN TO M. DE DENONVILLE. t

Lond. Doc. V.

;

Par. Doc. III.

]

New York, 27th July. 1686. Sir

-- had the honour

to receave two letters from you one dated the 6 th and the other the

20 th of

June last and in them I have found very much satisfaction by the hopes of a good correspondence with a person of so great merit worth and repute spread abroad, in the army in which I served. Believe it it is much joy to have soe good a neighbour of soe excellent qualifications and

temper and of

humour altogether differing from Monsieur de la Barre your predecessor who was so furious and hasty very much addicted to great words as if I had bin to have bin frighted by them. The Indians perad venture might justly offend him for they as you well remarke are not people of the greatest a

and reputation, but certainly I did not amiss in offering sincerely to compose the difference and I went expressly to Albany to do it and yet no suitable returns were made by him for it. I doubt not but your Masters inclinations are very strongly bent to propagate the Christian Religion credit

humour altogether differing from Monsieur de la Barre your predecessor who was so furious and hasty very much addicted to great words as if I had bin to have bin frighted by them. The Indians perad venture might justly offend him for they as you well remarke are not people of the greatest a

and reputation, but certainly I did not amiss in offering sincerely to compose the difference and I went expressly to Albany to do it and yet no suitable returns were made by him for it. I doubt not but your Masters inclinations are very strongly bent to propagate the Christian Religion credit

and I do assure you that my master had no less a share in so pious intentions

;

for

my part I shall

take all imaginable care that the Fathers who preach the Holy Gospell to those Indians over whom

have power bee not in the least ill treated and upon that very accompt have sent for one of each

nation to come to me and then those beastly crimes you reproove shall be checked severely and

all

my endeavours used to suppress their filthy drunkennesse disorders, debauches, warring and quarrels and whatsoever doth obstruct the growth and enlargement of the Christian faith amongst those people.

have heard that before ever the King your Master pretended to Cannida, the Indians so farr as

the South Sea were under the English Dominion and always traded with Albany Maryland and Virbut that according to your desire with very good reason is wholly referred to our Masters, and I heartily pray that neither you nor myselfe give occasion of any of the least misunderstanding between them but that a prosperous correspondence stricht amity and union may perpettually bee

have heard that before ever the King your Master pretended to Cannida, the Indians so farr as

the South Sea were under the English Dominion and always traded with Albany Maryland and Virbut that according to your desire with very good reason is wholly referred to our Masters, and I heartily pray that neither you nor myselfe give occasion of any of the least misunderstanding between them but that a prosperous correspondence stricht amity and union may perpettually bee

ginia,

continued between those monarchs, The stricktest care shall be taken concerning runawayes from you and those who are here if you please to send for them shall bee all conveyed to you but if

--

there bee any soldiers who have deserted, I desire you to give me the assurance that they shall not loose their lives,

And now, Sir. I beg your pardon for giveing you the trouble of my particular when my Prince called me out of the French service twenty five thousand

affairs which is thus

:

livres were due to me as was stated and certifyed to Mons r De Lenoy by the Intendant of Nancy

--

--my

had no time to kisse the King's hands and petition for itt a very great misfortune after so long service, for in the circumstances I was then in I served faithfully to the uttermost of my power. After I quitted France I went to Tangier and haveing left that place sometime after came hither so that I never had time to represent my case to His Majesty which I request you to espouse for me that so by your means I may obtaine either all or at least some part of that stay was so short that I

had no time to kisse the King's hands and petition for itt a very great misfortune after so long service, for in the circumstances I was then in I served faithfully to the uttermost of my power. After I quitted France I went to Tangier and haveing left that place sometime after came hither so that I never had time to represent my case to His Majesty which I request you to espouse for me that so by your means I may obtaine either all or at least some part of that stay was so short that I

Mm

--The King

I know had bin bountifull to all and I am confident hath too much however it happens I shall as heartily pray for his good health and happy success in all his undertakings as any one breathing and be ever ready to make all just acknowledgements to yourselfe for so great an obligation and favour; wishing heartily for a favorable occasion to demonstrate how profound an esteem I have for your person and merritts and give undenyable proofs that I am sincerely and with all respects

which is due to me

generosity to see me suffer ;

Sir

Your most humble and affectionate servant Tho s Dongan

M. DE

DENONVILLE TO GOV. DONGAN. [Paris Doc. III.]

29 Sept. 1686.

by the Rev. Father de Lamberville, the elder, missionary among the Iroquois of the village of the Onontagues the letter which you took the trouble to write to me on the 27 th July. repeat, Sir, what I already had the honour to state to you that it will not be my fault that we shall not live in very good intelligence. I am willing to believe, Sir, that you will contribute thereunto on your side, and that you will put an end to all those causes that may exist for dissatisfaction at what is doing under your government by your traders and others whom you protect.

Father de Lamberville, the elder, missionary among the Iroquois of the village of the Onontagues the letter which you took the trouble to write to me on the 27 th July. repeat, Sir, what I already had the honour to state to you that it will not be my fault that we shall not live in very good intelligence. I am willing to believe, Sir, that you will contribute thereunto on your side, and that you will put an end to all those causes that may exist for dissatisfaction at what is doing under your government by your traders and others whom you protect. I do not believe, Sir, that the King your master approves of all the trouble you have taken in arming and soliciting by presents all the Iroquois Nation to wage war on us this year, neither the exhortations you have made them to plunder our Frenchmen who trade to places which up to the present time we have acquired long before New York was what it is. I received

You have proposed, Sir, to submit every thing to the decision of our Masters, yet your emissary to the Onnontagues, told all the nations in your name to pillage and to make war on us.

This is so

notorious a matter that it cannot be doubted, and it will be maintained before your emissary ; whether

he acted by your order, or at the suggestion of your merchants at Orange, it has been said and done.

You are not ignorant of the expedition of your merchants against Michilimaquina.

You have proposed, Sir, to submit every thing to the decision of our Masters, yet your emissary to the Onnontagues, told all the nations in your name to pillage and to make war on us.

This is so

notorious a matter that it cannot be doubted, and it will be maintained before your emissary ; whether

he acted by your order, or at the suggestion of your merchants at Orange, it has been said and done.

You are not ignorant of the expedition of your merchants against Michilimaquina.

I ask

you, Sir,

what do you wish that I should think of all this, and if this behaviour accord with the letter which you did me the honour to write on the 27 th July filled with courtesies and friendly expressions as well regarding Religion as the good understanding and friendship existing between our Masters which

ought to be imitated in this country in token of our respect and obedience to them.

You had the civility to tell me that you would give me up all the deserters, who to escape the chastisement of their knaveries, take refuge with you; yet you, Sir, cannot be ignorant of those who are there, but as all these are for the major part bankrupts and thieves I trust they will finally give

you reason to repent of having given them shelter, and that your merchants who employ them will

DENONVILLE'S EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

be punished for having confided in rogues who will not be more faithful to them than they have been to us.

You had the civility to tell me that you would give me up all the deserters, who to escape the chastisement of their knaveries, take refuge with you; yet you, Sir, cannot be ignorant of those who are there, but as all these are for the major part bankrupts and thieves I trust they will finally give

you reason to repent of having given them shelter, and that your merchants who employ them will

DENONVILLE'S EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

be punished for having confided in rogues who will not be more faithful to them than they have been to us.

You know, Sir, they spare neither the Outaouas, our most antient allies, nor the other tribes among whom we have Preachers of the Gospel and with whose cruelties to our holy Missionaries, whom they Are all these reasons, Sir, not sufficiently conclusive to induce you Master? Think you, Sir, that Religion will progress whilst your Merchants supply, as they do, Eau de Vie in abundance which converts the savages, as you ought to know, into Demons and their cabins into counterparts and theatres of Hell. I hope, Sir, you will reflect on all this, and that you will be so good as to contribute to that union which I desire, and you wish for. Finally, Sir, you must be persuaded that I will contribute, willingly and with pleasure, my best to obtain for you the favor you desire from the King my master. I should have wished, Sir, that you had explained your case more clearly, and that you had placed in my hands the proofs or vouchers of your debt, so as to explain it to the King, for so many things pass through the hands of Mess his Majesty's Ministers that I fear M. de Lonnoy will not recollect your affair, which he cannot know except through the Intendant who was at Nancy, whose name you do not mention.

I should have wished, Sir, that you had explained your case more clearly, and that you had placed in my hands the proofs or vouchers of your debt, so as to explain it to the King, for so many things pass through the hands of Mess his Majesty's Ministers that I fear M. de Lonnoy will not recollect your affair, which he cannot know except through the Intendant who was at Nancy, whose name you do not mention. I shall not fail, Sir, to endeavour to obtain for you some favor from the King my master for the services which you have rendered Ins majesty. I should wish, Sir, to have an opportunity, on some other more fitting occasion to prove that I am,

have martyred, you are acquainted.

to contribute to designs so pious as those of your

1-9

.

Sir,

Your very humble and very obedient Servant.

M.

DE DENONVILLE'S MEMOIR

ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AFFAIRS IN CANADA AND THE NECESSITY OF MAKING

WAR NEXT YEAR ON

THE IROQUOIS. [

Paris Doc. III. ]

Quebec

Our reputation is absolutely destroyed both among our friends and our enemies.

the 8th 9ber 1686.

It is no trifling

My lord, to reestablish it in view of fhe expense and labor and the dreadful consequences of a war, absolutely necessary. But, My lord, when we are certain that it is God's business and the

thing,

King's glory that are in question, and that all those to whom they are committed have head and heart occupied only with zeal to perform their duty so as to have nothing wherewith to reproach themselves,

It is no trifling

My lord, to reestablish it in view of fhe expense and labor and the dreadful consequences of a war, absolutely necessary. But, My lord, when we are certain that it is God's business and the

thing,

King's glory that are in question, and that all those to whom they are committed have head and heart occupied only with zeal to perform their duty so as to have nothing wherewith to reproach themselves,

we labour untroubled, confident that Heaven will supply the defects of our understanding and abilities, more especially having you as our Protector near to King with

whom all things are possible,

his piety being the foundation and motive of all his undertakings. I annex to this Memoir, the duplicate of the letter of June last in which I advised My lord of the expedition of the Iroquois against our allies theHurons and Ottawas of Missilimakina in the Saguinan. 1 I have learned since that the English had more to do with that expedition than even the Iroquois who struck the blow. Their intrigues, My lord, reach a point that without doubt it would

better that they should

be much have recourse to open acts of hostility by firing our settlements, than to do

what they are doing through the Iroquois for our destruction.

The Country between Lakes Erie and Huron was thus called.

Paris Doc. iii. 84.

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

I know, beyond a moment's doubt that Mr. Dongan has caused all the Five Iroquois Nations to be collected, this spring, at Orange to tell them publicly, so as to stimulate them against us, that I want

be much have recourse to open acts of hostility by firing our settlements, than to do

what they are doing through the Iroquois for our destruction.

The Country between Lakes Erie and Huron was thus called.

Paris Doc. iii. 84.

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

I know, beyond a moment's doubt that Mr. Dongan has caused all the Five Iroquois Nations to be collected, this spring, at Orange to tell them publicly, so as to stimulate them against us, that I want

war against them ; that they must plunder our Frenchmen in the Bush which they can purpose Mr. Dongan caused premerchants, neither more nor less than if it the by given them to be ammunition and sents of arms

to declare

easily effect by making an incursion into the country, and for that

were himself who was to make war. There is no artifice, therefore My lord, that he did not employ to persuade them of their destruction, unless they destroyed us. Father de Lamberville, Jesuit Missionary at Onontague, one of the five villages, being advised of the wicked designs of the English, set all his friends to work to avert the storm, and enjoining them to report everything to him, he obtained from them that they would not budge until he had seen

During his absence Mr. Dongan sent an express to the Iroquois to notify them to march without delay and fall on the Colony, ordering Father de Lamberville's brother, who had remained as hostage to be brought to him, thinking to deprive us of all our missionaries among the Iroquois. At the same time, he sent emissaries among our savages at Montreal to debauch them and draw them me.

Father de Lamberville, Jesuit Missionary at Onontague, one of the five villages, being advised of the wicked designs of the English, set all his friends to work to avert the storm, and enjoining them to report everything to him, he obtained from them that they would not budge until he had seen

During his absence Mr. Dongan sent an express to the Iroquois to notify them to march without delay and fall on the Colony, ordering Father de Lamberville's brother, who had remained as hostage to be brought to him, thinking to deprive us of all our missionaries among the Iroquois. At the same time, he sent emissaries among our savages at Montreal to debauch them and draw them me.

them that he would prevent Brandy

to him, promising them Missionaries to instruct them, assuring

being conveyed to their villages.

All these intrigues have given me no small exercise all summer to

ward off this blow. Mr. Dongan wrote me, and I answered him as a man may do who wishes to dissemble, and who cannot yet get angry, much less crush his foe. I thought it better to temporise and answer Mr. Dongan by eluding rather than exhibiting one's chagrin without having the power to injure his enemy. The letters which I rec d from him and my answers, copies of which I send, will advise you Mr. Dongan, notwithstanding works secretly with all the artiof my conduct in tins conjuncture. Col. Dongan's letters will sufficiently fices in the world, to debauch our Frenchmen and Indians. explain his pretensions which embrace no less than from the Lakes inclusive to the South Sea. Missilimackinac belongs to them. They have taken its elevation. They have been there treating with our Outawas and Huron Indians, who received them there very well on account of the excellent trade they made there in selling their goods for beaver which they purchase much dearer than we.

Dongan's letters will sufficiently fices in the world, to debauch our Frenchmen and Indians. explain his pretensions which embrace no less than from the Lakes inclusive to the South Sea. Missilimackinac belongs to them. They have taken its elevation. They have been there treating with our Outawas and Huron Indians, who received them there very well on account of the excellent trade they made there in selling their goods for beaver which they purchase much dearer than we. Unfortunately we had at the time but very few French at Missilimackinac. M. de la Durantaye on arriving there would pursue the English to plunder them the Hurons ran to escort them after saying many bad things of us. M. de la Durantaye did not overtake the English, who met on their road the Senecas going to meet them to escort them through lakes Erie and Ontario until they were beyond the risk of being attacked by us. Thus you see, My lord, that the Senecas and the English understand each other charmingly, and are in perfect harmony and this alliance is made particularly with the army whom M. de la Barre went against, for at the time of his march the Senecas ran to Orange to find Colonel Dongan to beg him to take them under his protection, giving themselves over to him by a public Acte which was registered and sent to England, and, then, he caused poles with the arms of England to be planted in ;

all their villages.

Thus you see, My lord, that the Senecas and the English understand each other charmingly, and are in perfect harmony and this alliance is made particularly with the army whom M. de la Barre went against, for at the time of his march the Senecas ran to Orange to find Colonel Dongan to beg him to take them under his protection, giving themselves over to him by a public Acte which was registered and sent to England, and, then, he caused poles with the arms of England to be planted in ;

all their villages.

Nevertheless, previous to that time we had missionaries there, the first before any Englishman had

an idea that there were Senecas there.

I annex to this letter a memoir of our Right to all that Country of which our registers ought to be full, but of which we can find no trace. I am told that

M. Tallon had originals of the entries of possession (prises de possessions) of many discoveries made in this country, which our registers ought to contain.

Doubtless he has given them to my late lord,

your father. Father de Lamberville having given me an account of all the Colonel's intrigues which tended to take the Hurons

away from us and to draw off the Outawas, I entrusted him with presents to gain over the principal and most intriguing of the Iroquois to secure the friendship of the young men

;

DENONVILLe's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

who were disposed to be out of humor with us.

Doubtless he has given them to my late lord,

your father. Father de Lamberville having given me an account of all the Colonel's intrigues which tended to take the Hurons

away from us and to draw off the Outawas, I entrusted him with presents to gain over the principal and most intriguing of the Iroquois to secure the friendship of the young men

;

DENONVILLe's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

who were disposed to be out of humor with us.

He arrived in very good season, for all the Nations,

assured by Mr. Dongan that the good Father would not return, had assembled and were marching,

but his return woke up the Father's party, who by means of secret, which are called here " underground" presents, dispelled the storm. All the summer has been spent in comings and goings to get back the prisoners, the Outawas wishing to demand them of the Iroquois without my participation, according to the promises of the Senecas to restore them, provided I did not

demand them.

In fine the Hurons and the Outawas

resolved to repair to Cataraqui, and the Onontagu£s alone have given up their prisoners, the Senecas

saying that theirs did not wish to return home. part of September, he gave

Father de Lamberville returned here in the latter

me an account of all his cares, and of all his troubles and fatigues.

Whatever affection he may have for the mission where he has been stationed fifteen or sixteen years every year in danger of being killed by the Iroquois, he admits himself that nothing is to be done for the mission unless that nation be humbled.

saying that theirs did not wish to return home. part of September, he gave

Father de Lamberville returned here in the latter

me an account of all his cares, and of all his troubles and fatigues.

Whatever affection he may have for the mission where he has been stationed fifteen or sixteen years every year in danger of being killed by the Iroquois, he admits himself that nothing is to be done for the mission unless that nation be humbled.

This,

My lord, is so true that the Iroquois have no

other design than to destroy all our allies, one after the other, in order afterwards to annihilate us

and in that consists all the policy of Mr. Dongan and his Traders, who have no other object than to post themselves at Niagara, to block us but until now they have not dared to touch that string with the Iroquois, who dread and hate their domination more than ours, loving them not, in truth, except on account of their cheap bargains. Mr. Dongan caresses considerably those deserters of ours whom he requires to execute his designs for the destruction and ruin of our trade by promoting his own. This wakes up our restless spirits and obliges me to manage them, until I shall be in a position to treat them more severely. You will notice, My lord, by a letter of the Colonel's how desirous he is for something from the King which he says is due to him. He is a very selfish man, who would assuredly govern himself thereby if you thought proper but the fact is he is not the master of those merchants from whom he draws money. Father de Lamberville has returned with orders from me to assemble all the Iroquois nations next spring at Cataraqui to have a talk about our affairs.

You will notice, My lord, by a letter of the Colonel's how desirous he is for something from the King which he says is due to him. He is a very selfish man, who would assuredly govern himself thereby if you thought proper but the fact is he is not the master of those merchants from whom he draws money. Father de Lamberville has returned with orders from me to assemble all the Iroquois nations next spring at Cataraqui to have a talk about our affairs. I am persuaded that scarcely any will come, but my chief design is to draw [them] thither, (the Jesuit Father remaining alone for he must this year send back his younger brother,) in order that he may have less trouble in withdrawing himself. This poor Father knows, however, nothing of our designs. He is a man of talent, and who says himself that matters cannot remain in their present state. I am very sorry to see him exposed, but if I withdraw him this year the storm without doubt will burst sooner on us, for they would be sure ;

;

of our plans by his retiring.

have advices, notwithstanding, that the Five Nations are making a large war party, supposed to be against the Oumiamis and other savages of the Bay des Puans who were attacked this year, one of

their villages

having been destroyed by the Iroquois

;

on receiving notice thereof the hunters of

those tribes pursued the Iroquois party whom they overtook and fought with considerable vigor,

I am very sorry to see him exposed, but if I withdraw him this year the storm without doubt will burst sooner on us, for they would be sure ;

;

of our plans by his retiring.

have advices, notwithstanding, that the Five Nations are making a large war party, supposed to be against the Oumiamis and other savages of the Bay des Puans who were attacked this year, one of

their villages

having been destroyed by the Iroquois

;

on receiving notice thereof the hunters of

those tribes pursued the Iroquois party whom they overtook and fought with considerable vigor,

many of the Iroquois, who without doubt pant for revenge. I sent them word, to be on their guard and to have their women and children removed to a distance when they will be required to march to join me I say nothing to you of what they

having recovered several prisoners and killed

have done to the Illinois whom they spare not, having since two years committed vast destruction on them.

Nothing more, My lord, is required to convince you that we cannot hesitate, and that the Colony must be put down as lost if war is not waged next year they destroy on all sides our allies who ;

are on the point of turning their backs on us if we do not declare for them.

The Iroquois plunder

our canoes whereever they find them, and no longer observe appearances. Nevertheless, My lord, in the deranged state of the Colony, war is the most dangerous thing in the world ; nothing can save us but the troops you will send and the redoubts which it is necessary for us to build.

Nothing more, My lord, is required to convince you that we cannot hesitate, and that the Colony must be put down as lost if war is not waged next year they destroy on all sides our allies who ;

are on the point of turning their backs on us if we do not declare for them.

The Iroquois plunder

our canoes whereever they find them, and no longer observe appearances. Nevertheless, My lord, in the deranged state of the Colony, war is the most dangerous thing in the world ; nothing can save us but the troops you will send and the redoubts which it is necessary for us to build.

Yet, I dare

;

not begin to work at these, for if I make the least movement for these Redoubts, I will assuredly

draw all the Iroquois down on us, before I am in a condition to attack them. The copy I transmit of the orders I have issued for our next year's expedition will advise you of The distance is terrible and all the measures I have adopted to ensure the success of our plans. If you will be pleased, My lord, to take the trouble to read all these success is in the hands of God. orders with the Map which I send, you will perceive all my projects. I have overrated a little the number of the force I shall have with me, in order to give a little more character to our expedition. I cannot draw more than eight hundred militia, one hundred of the best of whom will be required These will do nothing else than come and go during our exto manage the fifty canoes for convoys. pedition to transport provisions for our troops and for those whom we shall station during the winter at the Post which we must occupy either at Niagara or near the Senecas, to serve as a retreat for those of our Indians who will be desirous to harrass them during the winter and the following Without this nothing effectual will have been done to humble tlus Nation, for to be satisfied year. in driving them from their villages and then to retire, is not accomplishing any great thing, as they immediately return and re-establish themselves in their Villages.

I cannot draw more than eight hundred militia, one hundred of the best of whom will be required These will do nothing else than come and go during our exto manage the fifty canoes for convoys. pedition to transport provisions for our troops and for those whom we shall station during the winter at the Post which we must occupy either at Niagara or near the Senecas, to serve as a retreat for those of our Indians who will be desirous to harrass them during the winter and the following Without this nothing effectual will have been done to humble tlus Nation, for to be satisfied year. in driving them from their villages and then to retire, is not accomplishing any great thing, as they immediately return and re-establish themselves in their Villages. As you, My lord, are perfectly acquainted with the ruinous condition of this Colony, you understand very well the deplorable consequences of this war which require that the settlements be confor in truth the establishment of the tracted, and it is here we must anticipate many difficulties Colony would have to be almost begun over again, and this it is which causes me repeat the demand that I have already made for regular troops to support our habitans, and to occupy the posts neces;

sary to be guarded, without which I cannot preserve

many points very requisite to be protected

among others Chambly, where I should like to station a strong post, because it is the most important pass to reach the English by lake Champlain.

As you, My lord, are perfectly acquainted with the ruinous condition of this Colony, you understand very well the deplorable consequences of this war which require that the settlements be confor in truth the establishment of the tracted, and it is here we must anticipate many difficulties Colony would have to be almost begun over again, and this it is which causes me repeat the demand that I have already made for regular troops to support our habitans, and to occupy the posts neces;

sary to be guarded, without which I cannot preserve

many points very requisite to be protected

among others Chambly, where I should like to station a strong post, because it is the most important pass to reach the English by lake Champlain.

That post will moreover always be a subject of uneasiness to the Indians who would incline to cross the River Richelieu thence to our settlements on

the River

St.

Francis ; in addition to which, communicating as it does with that of la Prairie de la

Madelaine, would secure, in some sort, all the country from Sorel unto la Prairie de la Madelaine. Reflect again,

My lord, if you please, how important is that post of Bout de l'lsle de Mont Real,

that of Chateaugu6, that of la Chesnaye and that of l'lsle Jesus. I say nothing, My lord, of all the other settlements that are isolated and without communication which we must endeavor to secure from insult. Those details, My lord, require considerable troops, which could not fail to greatly advance this country by laboring to draw (resserer) the Colony closer together and make it more compact, by means of forts around which clearances would be made. Al this, My lord, is no trifling work to be prepared. For what certainty can there be of destroying so powerful an enemy as that Nation which has assuredly two thousand men under arms independent of a large number of other tribes their allies, estimated at twelve hundred ?

Those details, My lord, require considerable troops, which could not fail to greatly advance this country by laboring to draw (resserer) the Colony closer together and make it more compact, by means of forts around which clearances would be made. Al this, My lord, is no trifling work to be prepared. For what certainty can there be of destroying so powerful an enemy as that Nation which has assuredly two thousand men under arms independent of a large number of other tribes their allies, estimated at twelve hundred ? The vast extent of forest into which they Avill retreat and where Indians alone can pursue them the uncertainty of the strength of the Indians which we shall have with us the difficulty of rendezvousing so far off all these considerations ought to make us reflect on the means of sustaining ourselves in case we should not meet that success Ave may desire, and which cannot come without a manifest interposition of Heaven for the success of projects so scattered. It is very certain that were I in a position to be able to send a strong detachment to the Mohawk Country by the River Richelieu whilst I was proceeding against the Senecas, not only should I create considerable alarm among the English which would keep them at home, but I would obtain a great advantage over the Iroquois by separating and pillaging them and laying waste their corn fields at both ends of the Iroquois towns. It would be very desirable that I could destroy all the corn in the same year, so that the one could no longer support the other this would reduce them to great wretchedness and would put a burthen on the English, if they sought a refuge there for means to l

It is very certain that were I in a position to be able to send a strong detachment to the Mohawk Country by the River Richelieu whilst I was proceeding against the Senecas, not only should I create considerable alarm among the English which would keep them at home, but I would obtain a great advantage over the Iroquois by separating and pillaging them and laying waste their corn fields at both ends of the Iroquois towns. It would be very desirable that I could destroy all the corn in the same year, so that the one could no longer support the other this would reduce them to great wretchedness and would put a burthen on the English, if they sought a refuge there for means to l

;

;

--

;

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

Had I a sufficiency of troops I should not fail to undertake that enterprize, but having only

live.

what I have, I must attack one after the other, and endeavour to raise another army, which it is impossible to effect at first. 'Tis true, were all done at once it would be much better, and promote our expedition and dishearten our enemies considerably.

am very sorry, My lord, to witness all the expence necessary for the support of Fort Cataracouy,

merely with a garrison of fifty men. so that it might support itself.

It is very unfortunate that the lands thereabout are not better,

am not yet sufficiently well informed of the environs to be able

what I have, I must attack one after the other, and endeavour to raise another army, which it is impossible to effect at first. 'Tis true, were all done at once it would be much better, and promote our expedition and dishearten our enemies considerably.

am very sorry, My lord, to witness all the expence necessary for the support of Fort Cataracouy,

merely with a garrison of fifty men. so that it might support itself.

It is very unfortunate that the lands thereabout are not better,

am not yet sufficiently well informed of the environs to be able

to write you with sufficient accuracy all that could be effected there ; notwithstanding

it is of

great

consequence to preserve that Post at the entrance to the Lake, though the Posts in this Country do not command the passages so completely that the Savages cannot avoid them, two or three leagues either above or below.

Yet that Post, and one at Niagara would render us entire masters, and keep

the Iroquois in great check and respect, and give us immense advantages in our trade with the

and Outtawas ; that road being shorter, and much less difficult than the one we take, in which there is an infinitude of portages and rapids, much more dangerous than those on the

Illinois

Cataracouy side.

The letters I wrote to Sieurs du Lhu and de la Durantaye, of which I sent you copies, will inform you of my orders to them to fortify the two passes leading to Michilimaquina. Sieur du Lhu is at that of the Detroit of Lake Erie, and Sieur de la Durantaye at that of the portage of Taronto. These two Posts will block the passage against the English, if they undertake to go again to Michilimaquina, and will serve as retreats to the Savages our allies, either while hunting or marching against the Iroquois.

The letters I wrote to Sieurs du Lhu and de la Durantaye, of which I sent you copies, will inform you of my orders to them to fortify the two passes leading to Michilimaquina. Sieur du Lhu is at that of the Detroit of Lake Erie, and Sieur de la Durantaye at that of the portage of Taronto. These two Posts will block the passage against the English, if they undertake to go again to Michilimaquina, and will serve as retreats to the Savages our allies, either while hunting or marching against the Iroquois.

you again, My lord, copy of the orders I have issued for the assembling, marching and Lhu and de la Durantaye. You will, also, It looks see, My lord, the orders I have issued for marching the Illinois in the rear of the Iroquois. very well on paper, but the business is yet to be executed. Many difficulties may be encountered as well in regard to the nature of the Savages who are little accustomed to obedience and the prosecution of a design during several months, which are required to reach the rear of the Senecas from their country. Chevalier Tonty, who came to see me at Montreal in the month of July last, has I send

repairing of our Savage allies to Niagara with Sieurs du

taken charge of all these matters.

I gave him twenty good Canadians, with eight canoes loaded with

one hundred and fifty muskets, which was all I could collect in the country.

Many difficulties may be encountered as well in regard to the nature of the Savages who are little accustomed to obedience and the prosecution of a design during several months, which are required to reach the rear of the Senecas from their country. Chevalier Tonty, who came to see me at Montreal in the month of July last, has I send

repairing of our Savage allies to Niagara with Sieurs du

taken charge of all these matters.

I gave him twenty good Canadians, with eight canoes loaded with

one hundred and fifty muskets, which was all I could collect in the country.

He carries powder and

Had the guns you sent me arrived I should have given him a He left at the end of August and calculates to arrive at Fort St. Louis before the departure of the hunters. He could not assure me of the number of Savages he could bring with lead and other things for the trade.

good number.

him, but I'm certain he will make great exertions to succeed in this affair in which he will participate largely if the Indians will allow themselves to be

governed and led by him.

cannot sufficiently

He is a lad of great enterprize and boldness, who He left Fort des Illinois last February to seek after M. de la Salle at the lower end of the Mississippi. He has been as far as the sea, where he learned nothing of M. de la He returned on the Salle except that some Savages had seen him set sail and go towards the South.

him, but I'm certain he will make great exertions to succeed in this affair in which he will participate largely if the Indians will allow themselves to be

governed and led by him.

cannot sufficiently

He is a lad of great enterprize and boldness, who He left Fort des Illinois last February to seek after M. de la Salle at the lower end of the Mississippi. He has been as far as the sea, where he learned nothing of M. de la He returned on the Salle except that some Savages had seen him set sail and go towards the South.

praise his zeal for the success of this enterprize.

undertakes considerable.

receipt of this intelligence to Fort St. Louis des Illinois, and thence to Montreal, where he arrived in

the beginning of July with two Illinois Chiefs, to whom I had

who had not come.

made some presents, and to another

They promised me wonders.

Nothing remains but the execution which is in the hands of God, for according to what I'm told of the temper of these Savages, a mere nothing sometimes is only necessary to cause them to change their minds.

He will have about twenty good He

Canadians with him to march at the head of the Indians, which he hopes will encourage them. will

have to walk three hundred leagues over land, for those Savages are not accustomed to canoes

{ne

so7it

pas gens de Canot.)

Now Peoria, 111.

have greatly desired to shorten my letters to you. But, My lord, as it is necessary to inform you of the state of our affairs and to render you an account of my conduct, I thought I would I should

Canadians with him to march at the head of the Indians, which he hopes will encourage them. will

have to walk three hundred leagues over land, for those Savages are not accustomed to canoes

{ne

so7it

pas gens de Canot.)

Now Peoria, 111.

have greatly desired to shorten my letters to you. But, My lord, as it is necessary to inform you of the state of our affairs and to render you an account of my conduct, I thought I would I should

send you all the orders as I had issued them, so that I might be corrected if I fail in any respect, being very anxious to satisfy you. I receive letters from the most distant quarters ;

from the head of the River Mississippi, from the

head of Lake Superior, from Lake des Lenemyngon where they propose wonders to me by estabBut in truth so long as the lishing posts for the Missions and for the Beavers which abound there. interior of the Colony is not consolidated and secured, nothing certain can be expected from all those

where hitherto people have lived in great disorder and in a manner to convert our best All these distant posts cannot maintain themselves except from the interior of the Colony, and by a secure communication with them from here. Whilst we have the Iroquois on our hands, can we be certain of anything ] Solicited by the English, they daily plunder our canoes and openly declare they will continue (to do so) being unwilling that we should carry ammunition to the Savages, their enemies and our allies. The principal affair at present is the security of this Colony which is in evident danger of perishing whether the Iroquois be let alone or we make war without having a decided advantage over them, distant posts

Whilst we have the Iroquois on our hands, can we be certain of anything ] Solicited by the English, they daily plunder our canoes and openly declare they will continue (to do so) being unwilling that we should carry ammunition to the Savages, their enemies and our allies. The principal affair at present is the security of this Colony which is in evident danger of perishing whether the Iroquois be let alone or we make war without having a decided advantage over them, distant posts

Canadians into banditti.

and however decided ours may be, the people separated as they are will always be in danger. Yet My lord, if you aid us with troops, war will be the least inconvenience, for if we do not wage it, the I do not believe that the next year will pass away without the whole trade being absolutely lost savages, our friends, would revolt against us, and place themselves at the mercy of the Iroquois, more powerful because better armed, than any of them. The whole of the Hurons are waiting only Had I not by the care of Father de Lamberville fortunately avoided the for the moment to do it. war this year, not a single canoe would have come down from the forests without having been captured and plundered in the river of the Outtawas. We should have lost a great number of good ;

men. This, My lord, is a long narrative about the state of the affairs of the country with the Iroquois

The whole of the Hurons are waiting only Had I not by the care of Father de Lamberville fortunately avoided the for the moment to do it. war this year, not a single canoe would have come down from the forests without having been captured and plundered in the river of the Outtawas. We should have lost a great number of good ;

men. This, My lord, is a long narrative about the state of the affairs of the country with the Iroquois

which absolutely require that we wage war without longer delay. Every person sees its necessity so I hope that on clearly that those concur in it now, who had been hitherto the most opposed to it. In regard to the sketch I give you of our wants, you will aid us both in men and other necessaries. troops, My lord, I had the honor to ask you for Regulars, for in truth the employment of people picked up anywhere is very unwise. It requires time to make them fit for service and on their If you propose to send us some it would arrival they will have to take arms in their hands and drill. about the the season when the North West winds them arrive May which is end of be well to have For that reason, the ships ought to leave Rochelle in the month of March. prevail in our River. Sieur Dambour, one of our best ship captains that come to Canada, can give good advice thereupon. Our march cannot begin before the fifteenth of May, for we must let the sowing be finished, and the storms before that time are furious on our river and Lake Ontario. I say nothing of the risks to be incurred that the harvest will not be saved next year on account of the war, nor of the necesBy sending us troops, many things will be done of which we dare not sity of making store-houses.

Our march cannot begin before the fifteenth of May, for we must let the sowing be finished, and the storms before that time are furious on our river and Lake Ontario. I say nothing of the risks to be incurred that the harvest will not be saved next year on account of the war, nor of the necesBy sending us troops, many things will be done of which we dare not sity of making store-houses.

dream if you do not send any.

A few days since a man named Antoine L'Epinart, an old resident among the Dutch, at present among the English, came to Ville Marie on the Island of Montreal in search of a child he had boarding with the Jesuits. He reports that the English kept watch three months this summer, our deserters having told them that I would attack them for having armed the Iroquois against us. He also says that the Iroquois are drawing to them the Loups (Mohegans) and other tribes toward the Andastes,

with whom they are forming alliances

[Vol.

I.]

;

he believed the Iroquois had evil intentions toward us

Most probably, Lake Aleminipigon of the old maps; now L. St. Ann, north of Lake Superior.

--that

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

the English who had been to the Outtawas had been well received and invited to return among them with merchandize, and well nigh procured from the Iroquois the restitution of their prisoners, by

which means they will be more attached to them than to us that the Merchants at Orange had urgently entreated Colonel Dongan to request the Senecas to surrender the prisoners that the Colonel had convoked a meeting of the Five Nations who went together to see him that it is the general belief that the Colonel will obtain satisfaction of the Iroquois and thus the English will attract to ;

the English who had been to the Outtawas had been well received and invited to return among them with merchandize, and well nigh procured from the Iroquois the restitution of their prisoners, by

which means they will be more attached to them than to us that the Merchants at Orange had urgently entreated Colonel Dongan to request the Senecas to surrender the prisoners that the Colonel had convoked a meeting of the Five Nations who went together to see him that it is the general belief that the Colonel will obtain satisfaction of the Iroquois and thus the English will attract to ;

;

;

them both the Outtawas and the Hurons and that their cheap bargains will ruin our trade.

The

said Antonie L'Epinart assures moreover, that there is a Company of fifty men formed to go Missilimakina

;

that their canoes were purchased, and that the low state of the waters had prevented them

starting ; that they waited only the rising of the rivers by the rain ;

and that the Senecas promised

to escort them.

I have heard that Sieur du Lhu is arrived at the post at Detroit of Lake Eri6, with fifty good men

well armed, with munitions of war and provisions and

all other

necessaries sufficient to guarantee

them against the severe cold and to render them comfortable during the whole winter on the spot where they will entrench themselves. M. de la Durantaye is collecting people to entrench himself at Michilimaquina and to occupy the other pass which the English may take by Taronto, the other entrance to Lake Huron. In this way our Englishmen will find somebody to speak to. All this cannot be accomplished without considerable expense, but still we must maintain our honor and our prosperity. The Oumeamies and other savages of the Bay des Puans have expressed much joy to me on learning that Sieur du Lhu was posted at Detroit, but 1 am very sorry to hear that Tonty has learned on the road that these same savages had quarrelled with the Illinois, which would prevent the Illinois attacking the rear of the Senecas, as we had projected.

All this cannot be accomplished without considerable expense, but still we must maintain our honor and our prosperity. The Oumeamies and other savages of the Bay des Puans have expressed much joy to me on learning that Sieur du Lhu was posted at Detroit, but 1 am very sorry to hear that Tonty has learned on the road that these same savages had quarrelled with the Illinois, which would prevent the Illinois attacking the rear of the Senecas, as we had projected. It would, in truth be an afflicting circumallies devouring one another instead of uniting with us to destroy the common enemy. But it is useless to be vexed at it. Nothing remains but to be prepared for everything that may happen, and rely only on ourselves. If God give us the advantage, the people will rouse to our

stance to see our

aid.

My lord ought to place no reliance on the changeable disposition of a people without discipline, or any sort of subordination.

The King must be the master in this country to effect any sort of good, and success cannot be secured without expense.

The M. de Denonville.

M.

DE DENONYILLE TO THE MINISTER. [

From the same. ] Quebec, 16th Nov. 1686.

My Lord,--Since my letters were written a very intelligent man whom I sent to Manat, who has

conversed and had

Colonel

has despatched

much

intercourse

to winter with the Senecas

with Colonel Dongan, reports to

me that the said

Manat among whom are some Frenchmen, whence they will depart, at the close of the winter, under the escort

The M. de Denonville.

M.

DE DENONYILLE TO THE MINISTER. [

From the same. ] Quebec, 16th Nov. 1686.

My Lord,--Since my letters were written a very intelligent man whom I sent to Manat, who has

conversed and had

Colonel

has despatched

much

intercourse

to winter with the Senecas

with Colonel Dongan, reports to

me that the said

Manat among whom are some Frenchmen, whence they will depart, at the close of the winter, under the escort

fifty citizens

of Orange and

of the Senecas, for Michilimaquina, carrying with them the Huron prisoners to restore them on. the part of the English Governor, who is desirous to prevail on the Outaouas, by the service -

which he renders them, to abandon our

alliance

They carry an abundance of merchandise thither

in order to attach themselves to furnish it at

to the English.

a much lower rate than we.

DENONVILLE'S EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

This is not all.

Colonel Dongan has given orders that one hundred and fifty other English should

by several Mohegan Indians to follow the first fifty Englishmen with goods. But this detachment is not to leave until spring. I believe there is no room to doubt but the design Were the English once established there, they must be driven oft' or is to seize the post of Niagara. we must bid adieu to the whole trade of the country. depart, accompanied

#

#########

#

The same man who came from Manat told me that within a short time fifty or sixty men, Hugenots, arrived there

But this detachment is not to leave until spring. I believe there is no room to doubt but the design Were the English once established there, they must be driven oft' or is to seize the post of Niagara. we must bid adieu to the whole trade of the country. depart, accompanied

#

#########

#

The same man who came from Manat told me that within a short time fifty or sixty men, Hugenots, arrived there

from the Islands of St. Christophers and Martinique, who are establishing themThere I know that some have arrived at Boston from Prance.

selves at Manat and its environs.

again, are people to operate as Banditti.

Whilst writing this, My lord, further advice is come from Orange that Colonel Dongan sent to tell the fifty men who are to winter among the Senecas, not to leave until the arrival at the Senecas of the one hundred and fifty men which he

is

to despatch in the spring to support them.

The reason

Du Lhut is posted at the Detroit of If those men commanded with the savages attack that post, you perceive, my lord, that

of this order is that he has learned by Indians that the Sieur

Lake Erie.

Send me, if you please, orders on this point, for my disposition is to go straight to Orange, drive them into their fort, and burn the whole. I have nothing more to manage with

the English.

The English governor prompted at present by the cupidity of the merchants and by his avarice to drag money from them, pretends that all the country is his, and will trade thither though an Englishman has never been there.

Send me, if you please, orders on this point, for my disposition is to go straight to Orange, drive them into their fort, and burn the whole. I have nothing more to manage with

the English.

The English governor prompted at present by the cupidity of the merchants and by his avarice to drag money from them, pretends that all the country is his, and will trade thither though an Englishman has never been there.

He gives passes under pretext of hunting, to his creatures, from whom

one was taken at Michilimaquina, which I would have sent, had he who was bringing it, not upset in the water and been thereby drowned. * *

"Jr^F

*

tP

'IF

t(?

-JF

Whilst writing this letter here, My lord, I receive from Father de Lamberville confirmation of the news which I had the honor to communicate to you respecting Colonel Dongan. I send you what he writes me of the speech made by the said Colonel to the Iroquois assembled by his order at Manat. Be so good as to read it yourself my lord. 1

COL.

DONGAN TO M. DE DENONVILLE. [Par. Doc. III.

;

Lond. Doc. V.]

Sir

-- had the honour

to receiue your letter of the first

Decern. 16S6.

of October 1686 and had sooner sent an

answer, butt that I wanted a convenient opportunity to do itt, I find you was angry at the writing

and therefore for fear it was ill turned into French for I have no great skill in your language, have I desire you to continue in your opinion that nothing shall bee wanting on my part that may contribute to a good and friendly correspondence, and that I will not protect

of October 1686 and had sooner sent an

answer, butt that I wanted a convenient opportunity to do itt, I find you was angry at the writing

and therefore for fear it was ill turned into French for I have no great skill in your language, have I desire you to continue in your opinion that nothing shall bee wanting on my part that may contribute to a good and friendly correspondence, and that I will not protect

sent a copy of it in English.

either merchant or others that shall give

any just occasion to suspect it. Bee assured, Sir, that I have not solicited nor bribed the Indians to arme and make warr against you, all the paines I have taken hath bin to keep those people in quiet who are so inclineable to warr that one word is enough for

them.

have forbidden their joining (if they should be entreated) with any others against you

See postea, "Susquehanna Papers," for an extract from this speech.

--

--

denonville's expedition to the GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

neither have I ever allowed any to plunder.

have only permitted severall of Albany to trade

amongst the remotest Indians with strict orders not to meddle with any of your people, and I hope they will finde the same civillity from you It being so farr from pillageing that I beleeve it as law-

--

ful for the English as French nations to trade there we being nearer by many leagues than you are I desire you to send me word who it was that pretended to have my orders for the Indiana to plunder and fight you; that I am altogether as ignorant of any enterprise made by the Indians out of this Government as I am of what you meane by " mihilmiqum " and neither have I acted any thing contrary to what I have written, but will stricktly endeavour to immitate the ammity and friendship between our masters I have desired you to send for the deserters, I know not who they are but had rather such Rascalls and Bankrouts as you call them were amongst their own countrymen than

ful for the English as French nations to trade there we being nearer by many leagues than you are I desire you to send me word who it was that pretended to have my orders for the Indiana to plunder and fight you; that I am altogether as ignorant of any enterprise made by the Indians out of this Government as I am of what you meane by " mihilmiqum " and neither have I acted any thing contrary to what I have written, but will stricktly endeavour to immitate the ammity and friendship between our masters I have desired you to send for the deserters, I know not who they are but had rather such Rascalls and Bankrouts as you call them were amongst their own countrymen than

--

this people, and will when you send word who they are, expell, not detain them and use all possible means to preuent your good wishes and hopes that our merchants may suffer by them Tis true I ordered our Indians if they should meet with any of your people or ours on this side of the lake without a passe from you or me, that they should bring them to Albany and that as I thought by your own desire expressed in your letter, they being as you have very well remarked very ill people and such that usually tell lyes as well to Christians as Heathens, The Missionary Fathers, if they please but do me justice can give you an account how careful I have bin to preserve them, I have ordered our Indians strictly not to exercise any cruelty or insolence against them and have written to the King my master who hath as much zeal as any prince living to propagate the Christian faith and assure him how necessary it is to send hither some Fathers to preach the Gospell to the natives allyed to us and care would be then taken to dissuade them from their drunken debouches though certainly our Rum does as little hurt as your Brandy and in the opinion of Christians is much more wholesome however to keep the Indians temperate and sober is a very good and Christian performance but to prohibit them all strong liquors seems a little hard and very turkish What I wrote concerning what was due to me for my service in France was very true, Mons r Charnell, the Intendant at Nancy, adjusted and sent them to Mons r Lenoy signed by himself and me and I gave the

this people, and will when you send word who they are, expell, not detain them and use all possible means to preuent your good wishes and hopes that our merchants may suffer by them Tis true I ordered our Indians if they should meet with any of your people or ours on this side of the lake without a passe from you or me, that they should bring them to Albany and that as I thought by your own desire expressed in your letter, they being as you have very well remarked very ill people and such that usually tell lyes as well to Christians as Heathens, The Missionary Fathers, if they please but do me justice can give you an account how careful I have bin to preserve them, I have ordered our Indians strictly not to exercise any cruelty or insolence against them and have written to the King my master who hath as much zeal as any prince living to propagate the Christian faith and assure him how necessary it is to send hither some Fathers to preach the Gospell to the natives allyed to us and care would be then taken to dissuade them from their drunken debouches though certainly our Rum does as little hurt as your Brandy and in the opinion of Christians is much more wholesome however to keep the Indians temperate and sober is a very good and Christian performance but to prohibit them all strong liquors seems a little hard and very turkish What I wrote concerning what was due to me for my service in France was very true, Mons r Charnell, the Intendant at Nancy, adjusted and sent them to Mons r Lenoy signed by himself and me and I gave the

--

:

--

copies of them to Mons r Pagaion living in the street of S Hon e to putt them into the hands of Mons r Carillon Chaplaine to the Duchesse of Orleans, but, Sir, you need not to trouble yourself l

about itt for I intend to get it represented out of England and doubt not but the King your master

who is so bountiful a prince will be so just as to pay what became my due by a great deal of fatigue and labour, however I humbly thank you for the civill obliging offers you make and doe assure you shall bee heartily glad of any occasion to requite

them desiring you to believe I earnestly wish and

contend for the union (you say) you desire and will contribute all in my power to promote and preserve it which is all the refflection I shall make on your letter being Sir, assuredly with all due respect your most humble

and affectionate servant

--T. Dongan.

:

.

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

MEMOIR FOR THE MARQUIS OF SEIGNELAY REGARDING THE DANGERS THAT THREATEN CANADA, THE MEANS OF REMEDYING THEM, AND OF FIRMLY ESTABLISHING RELIGION COMMERCE AND THE KING'S POWER IN NORTH AMERICA. JANUARY 1687. [

Paris Doc. III. ]

Canada is encompassed by many powerful English Colonies who labour incessantly to ruin it, by them away with their peltries for which the English give them a great deal more merchandize than the French, because they pay no duty to the King of England. This profit attracts towards the English, also, all our Bush rangers (Coureurs de bois) and French exciting all our savages, and drawing

MEMOIR FOR THE MARQUIS OF SEIGNELAY REGARDING THE DANGERS THAT THREATEN CANADA, THE MEANS OF REMEDYING THEM, AND OF FIRMLY ESTABLISHING RELIGION COMMERCE AND THE KING'S POWER IN NORTH AMERICA. JANUARY 1687. [

Paris Doc. III. ]

Canada is encompassed by many powerful English Colonies who labour incessantly to ruin it, by them away with their peltries for which the English give them a great deal more merchandize than the French, because they pay no duty to the King of England. This profit attracts towards the English, also, all our Bush rangers (Coureurs de bois) and French exciting all our savages, and drawing

libertines who carry their peltries to them, deserting our Colony and establishing themselves in those

of the English who take great pains to attract them.

They advantageously employ those French deserters to bring the far savages to them who formerly brought their peltries into our Colony which wholly destroys its trade.

The English began by the most powerful and best disciplined [Indians] of all America.

They

have excited them entirely against us by the avowed protection they afford them, and the manifest usurpation they claim to the sovereignty of their country, which belongs beyond contradiction to the

King for nearly a century without the English having up to this present time had any pretension to it.

They also employ the Iroquois to incite all our other Indians against us. They set them last year Hurons and the Outawas, our most ancient subjects swept by surprise from them more than 75 prisoners among whom were some of their principal Chiefs, killed several others, and finally offered them peace and the restitution of their prisoners, if they would quit the French and to attack the

King for nearly a century without the English having up to this present time had any pretension to it.

They also employ the Iroquois to incite all our other Indians against us. They set them last year Hurons and the Outawas, our most ancient subjects swept by surprise from them more than 75 prisoners among whom were some of their principal Chiefs, killed several others, and finally offered them peace and the restitution of their prisoners, if they would quit the French and to attack the

;

acknowledge the English.

They sent the same Iroquois to attack the Illinois and the Miamis our allies who are in the neighborhood of Fort St. Louis, built by Mons r de la River Colbert or Mississippi

;

Salle

on the Illinois River which empties into the

massacred and burnt a great number of them and carried off many

prisoners with threats of entire extermination if they would not unite with them against the French.

Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York, has pushed this usurpation to the point of sending Englishmen to take possession, in the King of England's name, of the post of Mislimakinac which is a Strait communicating between lake Huron and lake des Illinois, and has even declared that all those lakes including the river St. Lawrence which serves as an outlet to

them and on which our

Colony is settled, belong to the English.

The Reverend Father Lamberville, a French Jesuit who has been 18 years a Missionary among company with one of his brothers also a Jesuit, wrote on the first of November to

Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York, has pushed this usurpation to the point of sending Englishmen to take possession, in the King of England's name, of the post of Mislimakinac which is a Strait communicating between lake Huron and lake des Illinois, and has even declared that all those lakes including the river St. Lawrence which serves as an outlet to

them and on which our

Colony is settled, belong to the English.

The Reverend Father Lamberville, a French Jesuit who has been 18 years a Missionary among company with one of his brothers also a Jesuit, wrote on the first of November to

the Iroquois in

Chevalier de Callieres, Governor of Montreal, who informed the Governor General that Colonel

Dongan has assembled the Five Iroquois Nations at Manatte where he resides, and declared to them as follows

That he forbids them to go to Cataracouy or Fort Frontenac and to have any more intercourse

with the French. 2.

That he orders them to restore the prisoners they took from the Hurons and Outawacs, in order

to attract

them to himself.

That he sends thirty English to take possession of Missilimakinak and the lakes, rivers and adjoining lands and orders the Iroquois to escort them and to afford them physical assistance. 3.

4.

That he has sent to recall the Iroquois Christians belonging to the Mohawk tribe, who have

settled a long time ago at Saut St. Louis, adjoining the Island of Montreal,

where they have been

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

them to himself.

That he sends thirty English to take possession of Missilimakinak and the lakes, rivers and adjoining lands and orders the Iroquois to escort them and to afford them physical assistance. 3.

4.

That he has sent to recall the Iroquois Christians belonging to the Mohawk tribe, who have

settled a long time ago at Saut St. Louis, adjoining the Island of Montreal,

where they have been

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

established

by us and converted by the care of our Reverend Jesuit Fathers, and that he would

give^them other land and an English Jesuit, to govern them. 5.

That he wishes that they should have Missionaries only from him throughout the whole of French Jesuits to withdraw, who have been so

the Five Iroquois Nations, and that they cause our

long established there. 6.

That if Monsieur de Denonville attacks them, he will have to do with him.

That he orders them to plunder all the French who will visit them ; to bind them and bring them to him, and what they'll take from them shall be good prize. The Iroquois. He accompanied his orders with presents to the Five Iroquois Nations, and despatched his thirty English, escorted by Iroquois, to make an establishment at Missilimakinak. The Iroquois pillage our Frenchmen every where they meet them, and threaten to fire their settlements which are much exposed and unfortified. These measures, and the discredit we are in among all the savages for having abandoned our allies in M. de la Barre's time, for having suffered them to be exterminated by the Iroquois and borne the insults of the latter, render war against them absolutely necessary to avert from us a General Rebellion of the Savages which would bring ruin on our trade and finally the extirpation of our 7.

The Iroquois pillage our Frenchmen every where they meet them, and threaten to fire their settlements which are much exposed and unfortified. These measures, and the discredit we are in among all the savages for having abandoned our allies in M. de la Barre's time, for having suffered them to be exterminated by the Iroquois and borne the insults of the latter, render war against them absolutely necessary to avert from us a General Rebellion of the Savages which would bring ruin on our trade and finally the extirpation of our 7.

--

Colony. It is likewise

necessary for the establishment of Religion which will never spread itself there

except by the destruction of the Iroquois

:

so that

on the success of the war which the Governor-

General of Canada proposes to commence against the Iroquois on the 15 th of May next, depends either the Ruin of the Country and of Religion if he be not assisted, or the Establishment of Religion,

Commerce and the Kings' Power over all North America if he be granted the aid he demands. If the merit in the eyes of God, the Glory and utility which the King will derive from this succor

be considered, it is easy to conclude that expense was never better employed since, independent of the Salvation of the quantity of Souls in that vast Country to which His Majesty will contribute

by

establishing the Faith there, he will secure to himself an Empire of more than a thousand leagues in

Commerce and the Kings' Power over all North America if he be granted the aid he demands. If the merit in the eyes of God, the Glory and utility which the King will derive from this succor

be considered, it is easy to conclude that expense was never better employed since, independent of the Salvation of the quantity of Souls in that vast Country to which His Majesty will contribute

by

establishing the Faith there, he will secure to himself an Empire of more than a thousand leagues in

extent, from the mouth of the River Saint Lawrence to that of the River Mississipi in the Gulf of Mexico a country discovered by the French alone, to which other nations have no right, and from which we shall eventually derive great Commercial advantages, and a considerable augmentation of His Majesty's Revenues in those countries. The Marquis de Denonville, whose zeal, industry and capacity admit of no addition, requires a ;

reinforcement of 1500 men to succeed in his enterprize.

If less be granted him, success is doubtful

and a war is made to drag along, the continuation of winch for many years will cost His Majesty more to sustain than would the immediate expense necessary to guarantee its success and prompt termination. It is necessary to attack the Iroquois in two directions.

The first and principal attack, through

the Seneca Nation on the borders of Lake Ontario ; the second, by the River Richelieu and Lake

Champlain on the side of the Mohawk Nation.

and a war is made to drag along, the continuation of winch for many years will cost His Majesty more to sustain than would the immediate expense necessary to guarantee its success and prompt termination. It is necessary to attack the Iroquois in two directions.

The first and principal attack, through

the Seneca Nation on the borders of Lake Ontario ; the second, by the River Richelieu and Lake

Champlain on the side of the Mohawk Nation.

3000 Frenchmen will be required for that purpose.

Of these there are sixteen companies which make 800 men and 800 selected from the habitans, 100 come Of these 3000 Frenchmen, of which he has only the half though incessantly to convey provisions. he boasts of more for reputation's sake, because the other habitans are necessary to protect and cultivate the farms of the Colony, a part must be employed in guarding the posts of Fort Frotenac, Niagara, Toronto, Missilimakinak so as to secure the aid he expects from the Illinois and other Savages, on whom however he cannot rely unless he will be able alone to defeat the Five Iroquois Nations. The Iroquois force consists of two thousand picked warriors {$ elite) brave, active, more skilful in the use of the gun than our Europeans and all well armed; besides twelve hundred Mohegans of the best of which the Governor General destines to conduct 50 canoes which will go and

(Loups), another tribe in alliance with them as brave as they, not including the English

Of these there are sixteen companies which make 800 men and 800 selected from the habitans, 100 come Of these 3000 Frenchmen, of which he has only the half though incessantly to convey provisions. he boasts of more for reputation's sake, because the other habitans are necessary to protect and cultivate the farms of the Colony, a part must be employed in guarding the posts of Fort Frotenac, Niagara, Toronto, Missilimakinak so as to secure the aid he expects from the Illinois and other Savages, on whom however he cannot rely unless he will be able alone to defeat the Five Iroquois Nations. The Iroquois force consists of two thousand picked warriors {$ elite) brave, active, more skilful in the use of the gun than our Europeans and all well armed; besides twelve hundred Mohegans of the best of which the Governor General destines to conduct 50 canoes which will go and

(Loups), another tribe in alliance with them as brave as they, not including the English

who will

supply them with officers to lead them, and to fortify them in their villages. If they be not attacked all at once at the two points indicated, it is impossible to destroy them or

them from their retreat, but if encompassed on both sides, all their plantations^ of Indian corn will be destroyed, their villages burnt, their women, their children and old men captured and other warriors driven into the woods where they will be pursued and annihilated by the other to drive

supply them with officers to lead them, and to fortify them in their villages. If they be not attacked all at once at the two points indicated, it is impossible to destroy them or

them from their retreat, but if encompassed on both sides, all their plantations^ of Indian corn will be destroyed, their villages burnt, their women, their children and old men captured and other warriors driven into the woods where they will be pursued and annihilated by the other to drive

savages.

After having defeated and dispersed them the winter must be spent in fortifying the post "of Niagara, the most important in America, by means of which all the other nations will be shut out from

the lakes whence all the peltries are obtained ;

it will be necessary to

winter troops at this post and

at others, to prevent the Iroquois returning and reestablishing themselves there, and to people these

beautiful countries with other savages who will have served under us during this war.

EXTRACT FROM A MEMOIR OF THE KING TO SIEURS MARQUIS DE DENONVILLE AND DE CHAMPIGNY, DATED VERSAILLES, 30 th MARCH, 1687.

*********** *********** [Pari* Doc. III.]

His Majesty has no knowledge of the claim of Colonel D'Unguent for 25 m ,bs which he pretends to be due him in France ; therefore he has nothing to say about it.

His Majesty has seen the Memoir that the said Sieur de Denonville has sent of the measures he has adopted and the orders he has given for the ensuing campaign.

EXTRACT FROM A MEMOIR OF THE KING TO SIEURS MARQUIS DE DENONVILLE AND DE CHAMPIGNY, DATED VERSAILLES, 30 th MARCH, 1687.

*********** *********** [Pari* Doc. III.]

His Majesty has no knowledge of the claim of Colonel D'Unguent for 25 m ,bs which he pretends to be due him in France ; therefore he has nothing to say about it.

His Majesty has seen the Memoir that the said Sieur de Denonville has sent of the measures he has adopted and the orders he has given for the ensuing campaign.

He approves of them and doubts

not of success, and that it will be as favorable as can be expected having to do only with Savages

who have no experience as to regular war, whilst, on the contrary, those he will be able to collect, being led by a man so capable and so experienced as he is, will be of great utility. Finally, He expects to learn at the close of this year, the entire destruction of the greatest' part of

those Savages.

And as a number of prisoners may be made, and His Majesty thinks he can make

use of them in his Galleys, He desires him to manage so as to retain them until he have vessels for

by the return of His Majesty's Ships which will convey the troops he can, even, send those which will have been captured before the departure of these ships. France

;

COLL.

DONGAN TO FATHER DE LAMBERVILLE. [ Lond.

Doc. V. ] 20 May. 1687,

And as a number of prisoners may be made, and His Majesty thinks he can make

use of them in his Galleys, He desires him to manage so as to retain them until he have vessels for

by the return of His Majesty's Ships which will convey the troops he can, even, send those which will have been captured before the departure of these ships. France

;

COLL.

DONGAN TO FATHER DE LAMBERVILLE. [ Lond.

Doc. V. ] 20 May. 1687,

Reverend Father

-- have received yours of the tenth currant from the Onnondages and am heartI

ily glad that you are in good health and as much as lyes in me you may bee assured I will do all my endeavors to protect you from the danger you apprehend from those people and all those others of

--

DENONVILLe's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

your fraternity that continue in doing good service, I am sorry that our Indians are soe troublesome informed from Christians that it is the custom of those people,

to the Indians of Canada but I am

what country they conquer belongs to them as their own, yet I lay no stress on that, but I am still in doubt whither that land where the Indians goes to warr belongs to our King or to the King of France, but in all probability if I bee truly informed it must depend on the King of England territories it lying west and by south of this place and your countryes lye to the northward of us but that is no material reason for the Indians to disturbe the people of Canada and I will use my endeavour that they shall disturbe them no more but leave the decision of that to my master at home as I leave all other things which relates to any difference between us and the people of Canada and I am sure that Mon Sr de Noville will do the same that

what country they conquer belongs to them as their own, yet I lay no stress on that, but I am still in doubt whither that land where the Indians goes to warr belongs to our King or to the King of France, but in all probability if I bee truly informed it must depend on the King of England territories it lying west and by south of this place and your countryes lye to the northward of us but that is no material reason for the Indians to disturbe the people of Canada and I will use my endeavour that they shall disturbe them no more but leave the decision of that to my master at home as I leave all other things which relates to any difference between us and the people of Canada and I am sure that Mon Sr de Noville will do the same that

I have not spoke to the Indians as yet.

Your messenger being in hast cannot give an account what

they can say for themselves, but to continue a right understanding between the Government of Canada and this if any of the Indians will doe any thing to disturbe the King of France's subjects, let the Governour sent to me and I will doe all the justice that is possible for me to do and if he will do the same it will be a meane to keep those people in, and to see both Governments in a good correspondence one with another. But I hear they pretend that they are affraid of the French but I hope that Mons de Nonville will well weigh the business before he invades any of the King of England's subjects I have no time to write to him at present but assure liim of my humble service and that I will write to him before I goe, haveing no other businesse here in sending for the Indians but to check them for offering to disturbe the people of Canada Reverend Father I am your humble servant r

But I hear they pretend that they are affraid of the French but I hope that Mons de Nonville will well weigh the business before he invades any of the King of England's subjects I have no time to write to him at present but assure liim of my humble service and that I will write to him before I goe, haveing no other businesse here in sending for the Indians but to check them for offering to disturbe the people of Canada Reverend Father I am your humble servant r

--

(Signed) I pray you to pray to God for

M.

Tho

:

Dongan

me

DE DENONVILLE TO THE MINISTER. [

Par. Doc. III. ]

8 June 1687.

am informed that the English have given notice to the Senecas that I am going to attack them,

and have obliged them to run after six hundred men of their tribe who were at war against the Miamis, our allies, to induce them to return to defend their country against us. Other war parties who had gone against the people towards Virginia have also returned through the same troubles. The consternation of our enemies thus costs Colonel Dongan very dear. I have learned that a party has come from Virginia who brought a dozen prisoners, Englishmen, whom they will also burn, and this is a matter about which Monsieur Dongan gives himself scarce any trouble.

-- --

DENONVILLe's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

COLL.

DONGAN TO M. DE DENONVILLE. [

Other war parties who had gone against the people towards Virginia have also returned through the same troubles. The consternation of our enemies thus costs Colonel Dongan very dear. I have learned that a party has come from Virginia who brought a dozen prisoners, Englishmen, whom they will also burn, and this is a matter about which Monsieur Dongan gives himself scarce any trouble.

-- --

DENONVILLe's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

COLL.

DONGAN TO M. DE DENONVILLE. [

Lond. Doc. V. ] 11th June 1687.

--

The enclosed came to my hands last night from England with orders to have it proclaimed Sir which has accordingly bin done, what is there agreed upon I will observe to the least title and I doubt not but your Excell: will do the same and I hope bee so kinde as not desire or seek any correspondence with our Indians of this side of the Great Lake if they doe amisse to any of your Goverm* and you make it known to me you shall have all justice done and if any of your people disturbe us I will have the same recourse to you for satisfaction as for those further Nations, I suppose that to trade with them is free and common to us all until the meets and bounds bee adjusted though truly the scituation of those partes bespeakes the King of England to have a greater right to them than the French king, they lying to the southward of us just on the back of other partes of our King's dominions and a very great way from you. I am informed by some of our Indians that your Excell was pleased to desire them to meet you at Cadaraque I could hardly beleive it till I had a letter from Father Lamberville, wherein he informs me that 'tis true, I am also informed of your

The enclosed came to my hands last night from England with orders to have it proclaimed Sir which has accordingly bin done, what is there agreed upon I will observe to the least title and I doubt not but your Excell: will do the same and I hope bee so kinde as not desire or seek any correspondence with our Indians of this side of the Great Lake if they doe amisse to any of your Goverm* and you make it known to me you shall have all justice done and if any of your people disturbe us I will have the same recourse to you for satisfaction as for those further Nations, I suppose that to trade with them is free and common to us all until the meets and bounds bee adjusted though truly the scituation of those partes bespeakes the King of England to have a greater right to them than the French king, they lying to the southward of us just on the back of other partes of our King's dominions and a very great way from you. I am informed by some of our Indians that your Excell was pleased to desire them to meet you at Cadaraque I could hardly beleive it till I had a letter from Father Lamberville, wherein he informs me that 'tis true, I am also informed of your

;

:

away our Indians to Canada as you have already done a great many, you must pardon me if I tell you that that is not the right way to keepe faire correspondence I have also been informed that you are told I have given to Indians orders to rob the French wherever they could meet them, that is as false as tis true that God is in heaven, what I have done Fathers' endeavours dayly to carry

away our Indians to Canada as you have already done a great many, you must pardon me if I tell you that that is not the right way to keepe faire correspondence I have also been informed that you are told I have given to Indians orders to rob the French wherever they could meet them, that is as false as tis true that God is in heaven, what I have done Fathers' endeavours dayly to carry

--

was by your own desire which was that I should suffer none of Canada to come to Albany without they had your passe in complyance wherewith I ordered, both, the Indians and people of Albany that if they found any French or English on this side of the great Lake without either your passe or mine, they should seize them and bring them to Albany

:

am now sorry that I did it since its

not agreeable to you and has as I am informed hindered the comeing of a great many Beauers to this place

--

I shall therefore recall the orders.

am daily expecting Religious men from England which

intend to put amongst those five nations.

I desire you would order

Mons r de Lamberuille that

soe long as he stayes amongst those people he would

meddle only with the affairs belonging to his function and that those of our Indians that are turned Catholiques and live in Canada may content themselves with their being alone without endeavouring to debauch others after them, if they do and I can catch any of them I shall handle them very severely.

intend to put amongst those five nations.

I desire you would order

Mons r de Lamberuille that

soe long as he stayes amongst those people he would

meddle only with the affairs belonging to his function and that those of our Indians that are turned Catholiques and live in Canada may content themselves with their being alone without endeavouring to debauch others after them, if they do and I can catch any of them I shall handle them very severely.

S setting aside the trust my master r

has reposed in me I should be as ready and willing to serve Mons r de Nonuille as any friend he has, I could wish with all

my heart the wildernesse betwixt us were not soe great but that there were conveniences whereby we might see one another often, for I have as much respect for all the people of quality of your nation especially such as have serued in the armies as any

have

:

man in the world can

as for newes, the ships lately come from England say all things are at peace both there and in

France and that both our Masters are in very good health and that the Emperour and the King of Poland are very vigorous against the Turques

am Sir Your most humble servant (Signed)

r

Tho. Dongan

send you some Oranges hearing they are a rarity in your partes, and would send more, but

the bearer wants conueniency of Carriage

[Vol.

I.]

Tr«aty of Neutrality.

as for newes, the ships lately come from England say all things are at peace both there and in

France and that both our Masters are in very good health and that the Emperour and the King of Poland are very vigorous against the Turques

am Sir Your most humble servant (Signed)

r

Tho. Dongan

send you some Oranges hearing they are a rarity in your partes, and would send more, but

the bearer wants conueniency of Carriage

[Vol.

I.]

Tr«aty of Neutrality.

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

FROM A PAPER SUPPOSED TO HAVE BEEN WRITTEN BY M. DE CALLIERES. DATED QUEBEC, 16 JULY, 1687. [

yesterday received a letter from

Paris Doc. III.

]

M. de Denonville from Cataracouy of the 3 fd of this month,

informing me that he sends me fifty Iroquois taken near that place, to forward them to Fiance in I'll take advantage of the delay of the Fourgon, in

the King's Ships, conformably to Ins orders.

which I shall have them embarked, and as the crew is too few to convey so many prisoners, very difficult to be guarded, I reinforce them by some passengers and sailors from a merchantman, the Catharine, which was wrecked last autumn near Tadoussac, and could not be got off.

M.

DE DENONVILLE TO THE MINISTER.

ATTACK ON THE SENECAS ; ERECTION OF FORT NIAGARA. [

Paris Doc. III. ] Ville Marie, 25 August, 1687.

The first thing with which I occupied myself on my arrival [at Irondequoit Bay] was to select a We post easily to be fortified for securing our batteaux to the number of 200 and as many canoes. cut 2000 palisades which we finished planting in the forenoon of the 12 th of July.

DE DENONVILLE TO THE MINISTER.

ATTACK ON THE SENECAS ; ERECTION OF FORT NIAGARA. [

Paris Doc. III. ] Ville Marie, 25 August, 1687.

The first thing with which I occupied myself on my arrival [at Irondequoit Bay] was to select a We post easily to be fortified for securing our batteaux to the number of 200 and as many canoes. cut 2000 palisades which we finished planting in the forenoon of the 12 th of July.

me Sieur d'Orvilliers as the fittest to receive the whole of Canada into his hands for the loss of this post would be the assured loss of the whole country which obliged me to leave 440 men there. On the 12 th I departed at three o'clock in the evening with all our French and Indian allies and I had

brought with

;

Christians having caused

them to take 1 5 days provisions.

We made only three leagues that day

across the woods which are very open.

On the 13 th about four o'clock in the afternoon, having passed through two dangerous defiles, we arrived at the third where we were vigorously attacked by 800 Senecas, 200 of whom fired, wishing to attack our rear whilst the remainder of their force would attack our front, but the resistance they met produced such a great consternation that they soon resolved to fly. All our troops were so

overpowered by the extreme heat and the long journey we had made that we were obliged to bivouac on the field until the morrow.

On the 13 th about four o'clock in the afternoon, having passed through two dangerous defiles, we arrived at the third where we were vigorously attacked by 800 Senecas, 200 of whom fired, wishing to attack our rear whilst the remainder of their force would attack our front, but the resistance they met produced such a great consternation that they soon resolved to fly. All our troops were so

overpowered by the extreme heat and the long journey we had made that we were obliged to bivouac on the field until the morrow.

We witnessed the painful sight of the usual cruelties of the savages

who cut the dead into quarters, as in slaughter houses, in order to put them into the pot the greater number were opened while still warm that their blood might be drank. Our rascally Otaous distin;

guished themselves particularly by these barbarities and by their poltroonery, for they withdrew

from the combat

;

the Hurons of Michilimaquina did very well, but our Christian Indians surpassed

whom we durst not make sure having The Illinois performed their duty well. We had five or six men killed on the spot, French and Indians, and about twenty wounded, among the first of whom was the Rev Fath Angleran, superintendent of the Otaous missions, by a very severe gunshot. It is a great misfortune to us that this wound will prevent him going back again, for he is a man of capacity,

all and performed deeds of valour, especially our Iroquois of

whom we durst not make sure having The Illinois performed their duty well. We had five or six men killed on the spot, French and Indians, and about twenty wounded, among the first of whom was the Rev Fath Angleran, superintendent of the Otaous missions, by a very severe gunshot. It is a great misfortune to us that this wound will prevent him going back again, for he is a man of capacity,

all and performed deeds of valour, especially our Iroquois of

to fight against their relatives.

:

:

of great influence

who has conducted everything at Michilimaquina well, and to whom the country

owes vast obligations.

For had it not been for him the Iroquois had been long since established at

Michilimaquina.

We learned from some prisoners who had escaped from the Senecas that this action had cost them 45 men killed on the field, 25 of whom we had seen at the shambles by this deserter, and over 60 very severely wounded.

;

the others were seen buried

On the next day, 14 th July, we marched to one of the large villages where we encamped.

We

was very advantageously situated on a hill. I deemed it our best policy to employ ourselves laying waste the Indian corn which was in vast abundance in the fields, rather than follow a flying enemy to a distance and excite our troops to catch found it burned and a fort quite nigh, abandoned ;

it

only some straggling fugitives.

We learned from deserters that the Senecas had gone to the English where they will not be allowed want for anything necessary to make war on us. enemy.

I deemed it our best policy to employ ourselves laying waste the Indian corn which was in vast abundance in the fields, rather than follow a flying enemy to a distance and excite our troops to catch found it burned and a fort quite nigh, abandoned ;

it

only some straggling fugitives.

We learned from deserters that the Senecas had gone to the English where they will not be allowed want for anything necessary to make war on us. enemy.

to

Since that time I have had no news of the

We remained at the four Seneca villages until the 24 th

;

the two larger distant 4 leagues, and the

All that time was spent in destroying the corn which was in such great abundance that

others two.

was in cache which we burnt and that which was standing, was computed according to the estimate afterwards made, at 400 thousand minots of Indian corn. 1 These There was a vast quantity of hogs which were four villages must exceed 14 to 15 thousand souls. a great many both of our Indians and French were attacked with a general rheum which put killed the loss, including old corn which

;

every one out of humor. 'Tis an unfortunate trade, to return

my lord, to command savages who, after the first broken head ask only

home carrying with them the scalp wliich they lift off like a leather cap.

You cannot

conceive the trouble I had to detain them until the corn was cut.

was in cache which we burnt and that which was standing, was computed according to the estimate afterwards made, at 400 thousand minots of Indian corn. 1 These There was a vast quantity of hogs which were four villages must exceed 14 to 15 thousand souls. a great many both of our Indians and French were attacked with a general rheum which put killed the loss, including old corn which

;

every one out of humor. 'Tis an unfortunate trade, to return

my lord, to command savages who, after the first broken head ask only

home carrying with them the scalp wliich they lift off like a leather cap.

You cannot

conceive the trouble I had to detain them until the corn was cut.

During the whole time we were in the Senecas country we did not see a single enemy, which caused me divers alarms lest they had been at our batteaux, but terror and consternation deterred

them too much from effecting their first threats. Returning to our batteaux I should have greatly wished to have been able to visit other villages, but the sickness, the extreme fatigue among all and the uneasiness of the savages who began to disband, determined me to proceed to Niagara to erect a fort there in their presence, and point out to them a sure asylum to encourage them to come this winter to war in small bodies. I selected the angle of the Lake on the Seneca side of the river; it is the most beautiful, the most is on the whole of this Lake, the Map and plan of which you will have if Sieur de Ville marie will take the trouble, for I tormented him considerably I sent him expressly to Quebec that he may have nothing else to do. for it

Returning to our batteaux I should have greatly wished to have been able to visit other villages, but the sickness, the extreme fatigue among all and the uneasiness of the savages who began to disband, determined me to proceed to Niagara to erect a fort there in their presence, and point out to them a sure asylum to encourage them to come this winter to war in small bodies. I selected the angle of the Lake on the Seneca side of the river; it is the most beautiful, the most is on the whole of this Lake, the Map and plan of which you will have if Sieur de Ville marie will take the trouble, for I tormented him considerably I sent him expressly to Quebec that he may have nothing else to do. for it

pleasing and the most advantageous site that

;

This post being in a state of defence I left a hundred men there under the command of Sieur de Troyes who made the Northern expedition last year.

He is a worthy fellow who richly deserves some share in the honour of your good graces and protection. He can be very useful to you in many things he is prudent and intelligent, very willing, and has well served on land. ;

This post has caused much joy to all our farther Indians, who having no place of retreat, scarcely

dared to approach the enemy.

They have made me great promises

--

especially our Illinois

--

to

He is a worthy fellow who richly deserves some share in the honour of your good graces and protection. He can be very useful to you in many things he is prudent and intelligent, very willing, and has well served on land. ;

This post has caused much joy to all our farther Indians, who having no place of retreat, scarcely

dared to approach the enemy.

They have made me great promises

--

especially our Illinois

--

to

harass them this winter by a number of small parties.

M. de Tonty had returned with them designing to invite them to come.

He could collect only very few savages because an alarm had been spread among them of a large body of Senecas having departed last fall on a war expedition against them, which fell through on the information Mr. Dongan gave the Senecas that I was about to attack them yet, as this large force had marched six days, ;

A minot is equal to three bushel*.

DENONVlLLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

@

the cause that of six 700 savages on whom we relied, only 80 came, which was the reason of their having been obliged to come to the fort of Detroit to join Sieurs du L'hut and de la Duranit was

taye not being able to take the Senecas in the rear.

On quitting Niagara I left M. de Vaudreuil there for a few days with the troops to cut fire wood, after having done what was necessary for lodgings.

the cause that of six 700 savages on whom we relied, only 80 came, which was the reason of their having been obliged to come to the fort of Detroit to join Sieurs du L'hut and de la Duranit was

taye not being able to take the Senecas in the rear.

On quitting Niagara I left M. de Vaudreuil there for a few days with the troops to cut fire wood, after having done what was necessary for lodgings.

The inconvenience of this post is, that timber M. de Callieres and I returned without delay with our habitans to issue the

###########

is at a distance from it.

orders necessary for the interior of the Colony.

I have not yet told you,

my lord, that the habitans who left the lower part of the Colony, will on

their return to their homes, have made four hundred and sixty leagues from the 24 May to about the

You will well conceive that, what with the two forts which it was necessary

17 th or 18 th of August.

to build, the destruction of the enemy's corn and the thirty leagues of road we had, going and coming, to travel by land, they will not have been idle. It was impossible for us to

do any more than we accomplished, for provisions would have failed

##### ##*#

us hadnve made a longer delay.

#*

It is full 30 years that I have had the honour to serve, but I assure

you, my lord, that I have seen nothing that comes near this in labour and fatigue.

to build, the destruction of the enemy's corn and the thirty leagues of road we had, going and coming, to travel by land, they will not have been idle. It was impossible for us to

do any more than we accomplished, for provisions would have failed

##### ##*#

us hadnve made a longer delay.

#*

It is full 30 years that I have had the honour to serve, but I assure

you, my lord, that I have seen nothing that comes near this in labour and fatigue.

You have perceived, my lord, it was imposeven had we made any, we should have distributed

You ordered me to send you the prisoners we took. sible for us to make any among the Senecas, and

them among the savages our allies and those who made the seizure in the neighbourhood of Fort Cataracouy who are themselves native Iroquois, but for the most part from villages north of Lake Ontario

where there had been some fine and large which the Iroquois south of said Lake forced to join them ; northern border. It would be for our interest

this began to swell their numbers and depopulate the

to repeople these villages because they would be more close allies, and under our control.

Among the prisoners there are some I cannot send you, being near relatives of our Christian InBesides there are some of the Onnontague village whom we must manage with a view to

dians.

As I have of the movements the much dispose news of Iroquois, should like not to of all these not yet any Nevertheless, my lord, as you desire them, I shall content myself by retaining those only prisoners. who will be of use to me and are guiltless of all the disorders of others. Yet, my lord, be so good as to keep them in a place from which they can be withdrawn, in case of need and we finally come to a general arrangement I believe that would be a very useful thing.

As I have of the movements the much dispose news of Iroquois, should like not to of all these not yet any Nevertheless, my lord, as you desire them, I shall content myself by retaining those only prisoners. who will be of use to me and are guiltless of all the disorders of others. Yet, my lord, be so good as to keep them in a place from which they can be withdrawn, in case of need and we finally come to a general arrangement I believe that would be a very useful thing. Regarding their women and children, I had them distributed through all our missions in the Colony. All the men, women and children had themselves baptised, testifying joy on that occasion. It remains to be seen if it be in detach them from the Senecas, and to use them for purposes of negotiation if necessary.

;

good faith. #

#

#

#

*

#

#####

The copper of which I sent a sample to M. Arnou is found at the head (aufond) of Lake Superior. The body of the mine is not yet discovered. I have seen one of our voyageurs who assures me that he saw, 15 months ago, a lump 200 weight, as yellow as gold in a river which falls into Lake Superior.

When heated, it is cut with an axe, but the superstitious Indians regarding this piece as a good

Spirit would never permit him to take any of it.

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

The body of the mine is not yet discovered. I have seen one of our voyageurs who assures me that he saw, 15 months ago, a lump 200 weight, as yellow as gold in a river which falls into Lake Superior.

When heated, it is cut with an axe, but the superstitious Indians regarding this piece as a good

Spirit would never permit him to take any of it.

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

ACTE OF THE TAKING POSSESSION OF THE COUNTRY OF THE IROQUOIS CALLED SENECAS, 19 JULY 1687. [ Paris

Doc. III. ]

On the nineteenth of July, One thousand six hundred and eighty seven, the troops commanded by Messire Jacques Rene de Brisay Chevalier Seigneur Marquis de Denonville and other places, Governor and Lieutenant General for the King throughout the whole of Canada and country of New

France, in presence of Hector, Chevalier de Calliere, Governor of Montreal in said country, Commandant of the camp under his orders,and of Philip de Rigaud, Chevalier de Vaudreuil, Commandant of the King's troops, which being drawn up in the order of battle, Charles Aubert Sieur de la Chenays citizen of Quebec, deputed by Messire Jean Bochart, Chevalier, Seigneur de Champigny, Norvy, Verneuil and other places, Privy Councilor to the King, Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance, in all Northern France, presented himself at the head of the army, who stated and declared that on the requisition of the said Seigneur de Champigny, he took possession of the village of Totiakton, as he has done of the other three villages of Gannagaro, Gannondata and Gannongarae, and of a Fort half a league distant from the said village of Gannagaro, together with all the lands in their vicinity as many and how far soever they may extend, conquered in His Majesty's name, and to that end has planted in all the said Villages and Forts His said Majesty's Arms and has caused to be proclaimed in loud voice, Vive le Roi, after the said troops had beaten and routed eight hundred Iroquois Senecas,

France, in presence of Hector, Chevalier de Calliere, Governor of Montreal in said country, Commandant of the camp under his orders,and of Philip de Rigaud, Chevalier de Vaudreuil, Commandant of the King's troops, which being drawn up in the order of battle, Charles Aubert Sieur de la Chenays citizen of Quebec, deputed by Messire Jean Bochart, Chevalier, Seigneur de Champigny, Norvy, Verneuil and other places, Privy Councilor to the King, Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance, in all Northern France, presented himself at the head of the army, who stated and declared that on the requisition of the said Seigneur de Champigny, he took possession of the village of Totiakton, as he has done of the other three villages of Gannagaro, Gannondata and Gannongarae, and of a Fort half a league distant from the said village of Gannagaro, together with all the lands in their vicinity as many and how far soever they may extend, conquered in His Majesty's name, and to that end has planted in all the said Villages and Forts His said Majesty's Arms and has caused to be proclaimed in loud voice, Vive le Roi, after the said troops had beaten and routed eight hundred Iroquois Senecas,

and laid waste, burnt and destroyed their provisions and cabins. Whereof and of what precedes, the said Sieur de la Chenays Aubert has required an Acte granted to him by me Paul Dupuy Esq. Done at the said Village Councilor of the King and his Attorney at the Provost's Court of Quebec ;

and laid waste, burnt and destroyed their provisions and cabins. Whereof and of what precedes, the said Sieur de la Chenays Aubert has required an Acte granted to him by me Paul Dupuy Esq. Done at the said Village Councilor of the King and his Attorney at the Provost's Court of Quebec ;

:

of Totiakton, the largest of the Seneca Villages in presence of the Rev d Father Vaillant, Jesuit, and of the Officers of the Troops and of the Militia Witnesses with me, the said King's Attorney undersigned, the day and year above mentioned, and have signed the Minute, Charles Aubert de la Chenays, J. Rene de Brisay Monsieur de Denonville, Chevalier de Calliere, Fleutelot de Romprey, de

Desmeloizes,de Ramezay; Francois Vaillant of the Society of Jesus, de Grandville, de Longueil, Saint

Paul and Dupuy.

TAKING POSSESSION OF NIAGARA BY MONSIEUR DE DENONVILLE. [ Paris

Doc. III.]

Jacques Rene de Rrissay Chevalier Seigneur Marquis de Denonville and other places, Governor and Lieutenant General for the King in the whole extent of Canada and Country of New France. This day, the last of July of the year One Thousand Six hundred and Eighty seven, We declare whom it may concern, in presence of Hector, Chevalier de Callieres, Governor of Montreal in

to all

the said Country

and Commandant of the Camp under our orders, and of Philippe Derigaud, Chevalier de Vaudreuil, Commanding the King's troops, being encamped with all the army at the post of

Niagara, returning from our expedition against the Seneca villages, that being come to the camp of

This day, the last of July of the year One Thousand Six hundred and Eighty seven, We declare whom it may concern, in presence of Hector, Chevalier de Callieres, Governor of Montreal in

to all

the said Country

and Commandant of the Camp under our orders, and of Philippe Derigaud, Chevalier de Vaudreuil, Commanding the King's troops, being encamped with all the army at the post of

Niagara, returning from our expedition against the Seneca villages, that being come to the camp of

Niagara situate south of Lake Ontario west of the Senecas, twenty-five leagues above them, in the angle of land East of the

mouth of the River of the same name, which is the outlet of Lake

coming from Lakes Huron, Illinois, the Great Lake Superior and several others beyond the said Great Lake, to reiterate anew for, and in the name of the King, the taking Possession of the said Post of Niagara, several establishments having been formerly made there many years since by Erie,

the King's order, and especially

by Sieur De la Salle having spent several years two leagues above

the Great Fall of Niagara where he had a Bark built which navigated several years Lakes Erie,

Huron and Illinois, and of winch the stocks (les chantiers) are still to be seen. Moreover the said Sieur De la Salle having erected quarters (logemens) with settlers at the said Niagara in the year one thousand six hundred and Sixty Eight which quarters were burned Twelve years ago by the Senecas, which is one of the causes of discontent that with many others have obliged us to wage war against them, and as we considered that the houses we have thought fit to rebuild could not remain secure during the war, did we not provide for them, We have Resolved to construct a Fort there in which we have placed one hundred men of the King's troops to garrison the same under the command of Sieur de Troyes, one of the Veteran Captains of His Majesty's troops with a necessary

Moreover the said Sieur De la Salle having erected quarters (logemens) with settlers at the said Niagara in the year one thousand six hundred and Sixty Eight which quarters were burned Twelve years ago by the Senecas, which is one of the causes of discontent that with many others have obliged us to wage war against them, and as we considered that the houses we have thought fit to rebuild could not remain secure during the war, did we not provide for them, We have Resolved to construct a Fort there in which we have placed one hundred men of the King's troops to garrison the same under the command of Sieur de Troyes, one of the Veteran Captains of His Majesty's troops with a necessary

number of Officers to command said soldiers. This Acte has been executed in Our presence and in that of Monsieur Gaillard, Commissary on behalf of the King attached to the Army and subdelgate of Monsieur de Champigny, Intendant of Canada which Acte We have signed with Our hand and sealed with Our Seal at Arms, and caused :

to be subscribed

by Mess rs de Callieres and Vaudreuil and by Monsieur Gaillard, and countersigned

by Our Secretary.

And they sign

:

J.

Rene de Brissay, Marquis de Denonville, le Chevalier de

Callieres, Chevalier de Vaudreuil, Gaillard ; and lower down by Monseigneur Tophlin.

[

From Council Min. V. ] ffort James Tuesday ye

Mr Brockholes Informed y

e

19^ July 1687. (0. S.)

Council he is now come from Albany & Schenectadae with Instructions

to be subscribed

by Mess rs de Callieres and Vaudreuil and by Monsieur Gaillard, and countersigned

by Our Secretary.

And they sign

:

J.

Rene de Brissay, Marquis de Denonville, le Chevalier de

Callieres, Chevalier de Vaudreuil, Gaillard ; and lower down by Monseigneur Tophlin.

[

From Council Min. V. ] ffort James Tuesday ye

Mr Brockholes Informed y

e

19^ July 1687. (0. S.)

Council he is now come from Albany & Schenectadae with Instructions

ffrom the Govern* to bring up with all convenient speed a Certain Number of Men & some Provisions.

The Instructions Read Ordred that sixty men be raysed out of y e Citty & County of New York & sixty men out of Queens County that Warrants be forthwith made out to Major Willett to Raise the men in y e Queens County

and to Coll. Bayard to raise y e men in y e Citty & County of New York, that an Expresse be Imediately sent to Major Willett with y e s d Warrant & that he & Coll. Bayard have their Complement of

Men Well armed in flort James on y e 22 th Inst.

FROM MR. GRAHAM TO MR. SPRAGG. [London Doc. V.]

New York, 16 July 1687. you by this occasion acknowledgements and also to acquainte you that Mr. Swinton departed this life the 3 d currant, after that he had been violently seized with three fitts of an apoplexie. In the interval of his fitts he was very sencible but without Sir

Bayard have their Complement of

Men Well armed in flort James on y e 22 th Inst.

FROM MR. GRAHAM TO MR. SPRAGG. [London Doc. V.]

New York, 16 July 1687. you by this occasion acknowledgements and also to acquainte you that Mr. Swinton departed this life the 3 d currant, after that he had been violently seized with three fitts of an apoplexie. In the interval of his fitts he was very sencible but without Sir

-- am invited by your favours

to give

--

'

denonville's expedition to the genesee country and Niagara.

apprehensions of death, however was prevailed with [to make a will, by which has constituted Mr. Delaval his executor, Ins affairs are in great confusion and he judged to be indebted £300. besides what his engagements may be to you, his Excell

:

The Councill sealed up

being at Albany.

the office in which state it now remains and will continue until His Excell 8 pleasure be knowen. Mr Knight in the mean time does the service of the office. Last night I received a letter from his

Excell

:

in which aduiseth that the French had assaulted the Senaquaes, and were worsted, report by

other hands saying the French had 300 men killed, the certainty wants confirmation, however, its

consequence is like to be very injurious to us, we having already very little trade, besides are likely to be ingaged in a bloody warr. whose events is uncertain, we are strangely surprised with the french

Last night I received a letter from his

Excell

:

in which aduiseth that the French had assaulted the Senaquaes, and were worsted, report by

other hands saying the French had 300 men killed, the certainty wants confirmation, however, its

consequence is like to be very injurious to us, we having already very little trade, besides are likely to be ingaged in a bloody warr. whose events is uncertain, we are strangely surprised with the french

them to invade his Maj 4 ^ dominions, without giving notice, and so soon after the publication of the treaty of Commerce betwixt the two Crowns P the next which will be Jacob Maurits His Excell will give you a full account of his resolves, he having sent a messenger to the French which is not yet returned. Five days agoe, My Lord Effigham

proceedings, not knowing what moves

:

S r Robert Parker arryved here from Virginia, he laments the Governours absence otherwise wer all your friends are well, my wife kisseth your hands and joins satisfied with his entertainments :

with me in the request that you would give our duty to our Father, our service to Major Baxter, to

whom please to excuse not writing, being strained with time, and accept of the assurance that I am Sir

Your affectionate friend and most humble servant Ja Graham

INFORMATION GIVEN BY SEVERAL! INDIANS TO THE GOVERNOR. AT ALBANY, 6.

AUG.

1687.

[Lond. Doc. V.]

The GoV of Canada last fall, sent word to the Sachems of all the Five Nations to come and speak with him at Cadarachqui this spring, which wee acquainted His Excellency withall, but in pursuance to his Excell c > s commands wee being the King of England subjects, thought ourselfs noways obliged to hearken to him, and therefore refused to go, and shortly after we heard by an Onondage

AUG.

1687.

[Lond. Doc. V.]

The GoV of Canada last fall, sent word to the Sachems of all the Five Nations to come and speak with him at Cadarachqui this spring, which wee acquainted His Excellency withall, but in pursuance to his Excell c > s commands wee being the King of England subjects, thought ourselfs noways obliged to hearken to him, and therefore refused to go, and shortly after we heard by an Onondage

Indian that had lived long at Cadarachqui, that the Gov of Canida had a design to warr upon us, for r

hee had seen a great deal of amunicion and iron Dubletts brought to Cadarachqui, and that a Frenchman at Cadarachqui told him, that they would warr with all the Five Nations, About ten days after wee gott the news, that the Gov r of Canida with his army was seen encampt att the side of the Lake with many Canoes about halfe way between Onnondage and Cadarachqui upon which they sent a hundred men to the Lake side to spy who see a Barke neer Irondequat the landing place a lyeing by and not at anker they sent four men in a Canoe to haile them, their orders from the Sachems being expressly not to doe the French any harme, and when they hailed them, the French answered in base language Enustoganhorrio, squa, which is as much in their language as the Devil take you, whereupon they paddled for the shore, and told the rest of their companions, what answer they had, the hundred men went forthwith to the Castles, and told the Sachems, what they had seen, who forthwith sent twenty men to spy what theire designe was, and they see another Barke come to the first, and while they were theire as scouts spied a great many of the Twichtwich Indians come by land, and had almost environed them before they were awarr of them the twenty men seeing this, :

hee had seen a great deal of amunicion and iron Dubletts brought to Cadarachqui, and that a Frenchman at Cadarachqui told him, that they would warr with all the Five Nations, About ten days after wee gott the news, that the Gov r of Canida with his army was seen encampt att the side of the Lake with many Canoes about halfe way between Onnondage and Cadarachqui upon which they sent a hundred men to the Lake side to spy who see a Barke neer Irondequat the landing place a lyeing by and not at anker they sent four men in a Canoe to haile them, their orders from the Sachems being expressly not to doe the French any harme, and when they hailed them, the French answered in base language Enustoganhorrio, squa, which is as much in their language as the Devil take you, whereupon they paddled for the shore, and told the rest of their companions, what answer they had, the hundred men went forthwith to the Castles, and told the Sachems, what they had seen, who forthwith sent twenty men to spy what theire designe was, and they see another Barke come to the first, and while they were theire as scouts spied a great many of the Twichtwich Indians come by land, and had almost environed them before they were awarr of them the twenty men seeing this, :

;

:

:

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

went up forthwith to the Castles and had much adoe to gett through, and the Sachems having sent out three Spyes, after the twenty, to see what the French would have, and before the three were

;

:

:

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

went up forthwith to the Castles and had much adoe to gett through, and the Sachems having sent out three Spyes, after the twenty, to see what the French would have, and before the three were

come to the Lake side (it being about twenty miles from their Castles) the French Army out of Barks and Cannoes was landed, they seeing that, called to them and asked what they were intended to do,

A Maquase answered out of the Army.

You Blockheads, I'll tell you what I am come to

doe, to warr upon you, and to morrow I will march

up with my army to your Castles, and as soone

as hee had spoke they fyred upon the three Ind ns butt they runn home and brought the news to the

Sachems about the twighlight,

The Sachems upon this news concluded to convey their wives and

children, and old men away, and beeing busy thereabouts all next day, most parte retiring to Cajouge,

and the rest to a Lake to the Southward of there Castles in the meantime the French were as good

and marched up halfe way between the landing place and the Castles and there encamped that night As soon as the women and children were fled, their fired their own Castles and all the men being gon to convey them away except a hundred in a small Fort who had sent out Spyes and received information that the French were upon their march towards them, they sent as there words,

and the rest to a Lake to the Southward of there Castles in the meantime the French were as good

and marched up halfe way between the landing place and the Castles and there encamped that night As soon as the women and children were fled, their fired their own Castles and all the men being gon to convey them away except a hundred in a small Fort who had sent out Spyes and received information that the French were upon their march towards them, they sent as there words,

;

forthwith messengers to them that were conveying the Women and Children and desired the assistance of as many of their young men as could conveniently bee spared to turn back and face the

French and give battle whereupon 350 turned back and joyned with the hundred, butt being all young men, were so eager to fall on, that the officers could not bring them in a posture to engage, :

they went out about halfe a league from the Castle, on a small hill, and there stayed for the French

army, but the officers could not persuade them to be in order there neither, all being so fiery to engage, and having scoutts out, brought them intelligence, that they were approaching and how they

marched, viz 1 the Right and left wing being Indians and the Body French, and when they came in

them satt down to rest themselves and the Indians upon the left wing being Indians, the French seeing them stood to their arms and gave them first vally, and then the enemy Ind ns that were on the left wing whereupon the Sennekes answered them with another, which occasioned soe much smoak that they could scarce see one another, wherefore they immediately runn in and came to hardy blows and putt the left wing to the flight, some went quite away and some fled to the reare of the French, and when that wing was broake, they charged and fyred upon the French and the other Indians.

them satt down to rest themselves and the Indians upon the left wing being Indians, the French seeing them stood to their arms and gave them first vally, and then the enemy Ind ns that were on the left wing whereupon the Sennekes answered them with another, which occasioned soe much smoak that they could scarce see one another, wherefore they immediately runn in and came to hardy blows and putt the left wing to the flight, some went quite away and some fled to the reare of the French, and when that wing was broake, they charged and fyred upon the French and the other Indians. The French retired about 150 paces and stood still, the Sennekes continued the fight with their Hatchets, butt perceiving at last that the French were too numerous and would ot give ground, some of the sennekes begun to retreat, whereupon the French Indians cryed out, the Sinnekes run and the rest heareing that followed the first party that gave way and so gott off from another and in their retreat were followed about half an English mile, and if the Enemy had followed them further, the Sinnekes would have lost abundance of people because they carried off there wounded men and were resolved to stick to them, and not leave them. The young Indian that was in the engagement relates that after the engagement was over, when the Sinnekes were gott upon a Hill, they see a party of Fresh French come up, the French called to them and bid them stand and fight, but the Sinnekes reply ed, come out four hundred to our four hundred and wee have butt a hundred men and three hundred boyes, and wee will fight you hand to fist, The said Boy being asked, whether he see any of the French with Gorges about their necks, it was to hott, they were to numerous, There was amongst the 450 Sinnekes five women, who engaged as well as the men, and were sight of the Sennekes, the French not seeing

The young Indian that was in the engagement relates that after the engagement was over, when the Sinnekes were gott upon a Hill, they see a party of Fresh French come up, the French called to them and bid them stand and fight, but the Sinnekes reply ed, come out four hundred to our four hundred and wee have butt a hundred men and three hundred boyes, and wee will fight you hand to fist, The said Boy being asked, whether he see any of the French with Gorges about their necks, it was to hott, they were to numerous, There was amongst the 450 Sinnekes five women, who engaged as well as the men, and were sight of the Sennekes, the French not seeing

likewise ; the Sennekes seeing this advance

;

resolved not to leave their husbands but live and dye with them

A true copy examined p me Rob' Livingston Cl

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

EXAMINATION OF INDIAN PRISONERS. [

Lond. Doc. V. ] 31 August, 1687.

A few days after the French came and gave him all the Indians in the Christians Castle, each thirty bullets and a double handfull of powder, and

neare

Mont Royall

:

bad them appeare

att a

French Gents house,

the Christian Indians being about one hundred and twenty or thirty strong, in

meane time the French and other Nations of Indians all appeared at Mont Royall, and the second day after that the Gov r himselfe the number of the French being two thousand and of all the Indians one thousand. The army went all by water in about two hundred boates in each Boate some seaven and some ten menn, the rest went in Canoes, they were sometimes forced to draw the ;

the Christian Indians being about one hundred and twenty or thirty strong, in

meane time the French and other Nations of Indians all appeared at Mont Royall, and the second day after that the Gov r himselfe the number of the French being two thousand and of all the Indians one thousand. The army went all by water in about two hundred boates in each Boate some seaven and some ten menn, the rest went in Canoes, they were sometimes forced to draw the ;

Boates with Cordes against the Trenches, the Provisions being part in the Boats and a great deal sent

upp before at Kadraghke

:

they were going up from Mont Royall to Kadraghke three dayes, makeing verry short journeys ; att Kadraghkie they rested three days from thence they went and lay att

night upon an Island, the night after they lay at Cadranganhie next morning about nine the clock

they saw ten Onnondages att Aranhage

;

the Gov gave orders not to meddle with them,

upon that

the Onnondages gave a greate shout and went their way, and the army went along the shore-side to

a passage that goes to the Cayouges ; the day following they saw a Brigantine att anker, and

all

the

army went ashore and lay there that night. Some of the French went aboard the Brigantine where Arnout was, as this Examinant has heard next day the army went along and att Jedandago, the Gov r landed fifty men to discover the place and the rest went on to Ierondokat where att the same time they mett with the French that came from Twightwig and Dowaganha with their Indians, then the Gov r ordered the Xtian Maquasse and some other Indians to bee putt in the middle of the army and stayed there three dayes till the Fort was finished, in the meane time four or five Indians came and asked what the matter was, and why the French came so strong in their Country, the French answered (by a Xtian Maquasse) wee come to meet you, the Sinnakes asked againe, and said, why doe you make a Fort, you should butt come on, for we intend to kill you all in a short time.

Some of the French went aboard the Brigantine where Arnout was, as this Examinant has heard next day the army went along and att Jedandago, the Gov r landed fifty men to discover the place and the rest went on to Ierondokat where att the same time they mett with the French that came from Twightwig and Dowaganha with their Indians, then the Gov r ordered the Xtian Maquasse and some other Indians to bee putt in the middle of the army and stayed there three dayes till the Fort was finished, in the meane time four or five Indians came and asked what the matter was, and why the French came so strong in their Country, the French answered (by a Xtian Maquasse) wee come to meet you, the Sinnakes asked againe, and said, why doe you make a Fort, you should butt come on, for we intend to kill you all in a short time. The third day the army marched in the afternoone and came that night about half way between the Lake and Sinnakes Castle next morning very early after prayers they marched on all the Indians being putt on the right side somewhat before the French, and we marched on till about noone, then the Indians would boyle their potts, butt the Gov r bid them march on, till they came upon a greate hill from whence the Gov r sent three Dowaganhas to spye towards the Sinnakes Castle, who were out butt a little time, and returning said that the Sinnakes were neare by and lay in the passage, upon which ;

The third day the army marched in the afternoone and came that night about half way between the Lake and Sinnakes Castle next morning very early after prayers they marched on all the Indians being putt on the right side somewhat before the French, and we marched on till about noone, then the Indians would boyle their potts, butt the Gov r bid them march on, till they came upon a greate hill from whence the Gov r sent three Dowaganhas to spye towards the Sinnakes Castle, who were out butt a little time, and returning said that the Sinnakes were neare by and lay in the passage, upon which ;

:

the Gov r gave order that one hundred Indians should bee chosen out and sent to discover the Sinnakes, who went but not farr before the army then the Gov r sent out againe four Dowaganhas Indians

and one Frenchman to discover, who went out, and stood in the path till the army came to them, after fouer hund rd Sinnakes appeared att the right side of the army, where the French Indians were and with greate cry or shout, fyred upon them without wounding one mann being too farr off, butt the Sinnakes advancing came nearer by, and fyred againe, then the French and a little time

Indians got some wounded, who fyred also

upon the Sinnakes and wounded some of them, but the

Sinnakes came so neare, and tooke an Indian out of the French army, and cutt off his hands, the rest firing stoutly upon one and the other, till the Douwaganhas and other

and one Frenchman to discover, who went out, and stood in the path till the army came to them, after fouer hund rd Sinnakes appeared att the right side of the army, where the French Indians were and with greate cry or shout, fyred upon them without wounding one mann being too farr off, butt the Sinnakes advancing came nearer by, and fyred againe, then the French and a little time

Indians got some wounded, who fyred also

upon the Sinnakes and wounded some of them, but the

Sinnakes came so neare, and tooke an Indian out of the French army, and cutt off his hands, the rest firing stoutly upon one and the other, till the Douwaganhas and other

out returning to the

French Indians fled withfight, butt the Maquass came up againe and stood their ground till the whole

body of the French, came firing all att once upon the Sinnakes, soe that the Sinnakes retreated, having got some dead and wounded in that firing the Gov 1 forbidd following of them having gott seven Frenchmen killed and many wounded and five dead Indians and several wounded of the ;

;

[Vol. I.]

;

DENONVUXe's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

r Sinnakes were killed sixteene and some wounded ; forthwith the Gov gave orders that the army

should fortify themselves at the same place where the Battle was and so stood there all that night. Next morning the whole army marched towards the Sinnakes Castle called Kokoseraghe, leaving their

body of the French, came firing all att once upon the Sinnakes, soe that the Sinnakes retreated, having got some dead and wounded in that firing the Gov 1 forbidd following of them having gott seven Frenchmen killed and many wounded and five dead Indians and several wounded of the ;

;

[Vol. I.]

;

DENONVUXe's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

r Sinnakes were killed sixteene and some wounded ; forthwith the Gov gave orders that the army

should fortify themselves at the same place where the Battle was and so stood there all that night. Next morning the whole army marched towards the Sinnakes Castle called Kokoseraghe, leaving their

dead Frenchmen unhurried but the Indians hurried their dead, and carried all the wounded French and Indians with them to the aforesaid Castle, where one of the wounded men died at said Castle they found itt all burned, then the Gov gave orders that the Christian Indians should cutt downe

and destroy the Indians corne, whieh they refused they could find.

Afterwards the

surround the same

till

the whole

:

soe Frenchmen were sent and destroyed all that

Gov sent four hundred men to another small castle nearc by, to army should come, thinking the Sinnakes might bee there, butt

found the same burned also, butt found a great deale of provisions which they destroyed, takeing only some beanes along with them, for they had provisions enough, every man carried some and the Boates were loaden at Jerondekott with corne and other necessaries, soe the army went to every place where the Castles were burnt and lay att every Castle one night destroying

Gov sent four hundred men to another small castle nearc by, to army should come, thinking the Sinnakes might bee there, butt

found the same burned also, butt found a great deale of provisions which they destroyed, takeing only some beanes along with them, for they had provisions enough, every man carried some and the Boates were loaden at Jerondekott with corne and other necessaries, soe the army went to every place where the Castles were burnt and lay att every Castle one night destroying

all

the corne they

could finde except some out fields, which the Xtian Indians would not show them,

The Sinnekes made severall times small allarms, butt never attacked the French, since the first fight. From the last Sinnekes Castle, called Theodehacto, the army went back againe, by another way, as they came by the way, and were butt two dayes still there, then the Gov gave orders that the whole army should goe directly to Oneageragh but the Xtian Indians refused the Gov forthwith followed them itt butt would returne to Kadaradkie, and soe went that way, with seven Canoes, each seven menn, and stopt them saying, what is the matter that j^ou leave us, itt is better that wee goe and returne together but they would not, till one Smiths John stood up and spoke very loud, saying to the rest of the Xtian Indians, you hear what the Gov' 8 will is, that wee should goe up with him, if wee doe not, he will force us to it come, you are lusty men let us goe with him, soe they were persuaded, and returned back with the Gov, severall Canoes endeavoured yett to escape, butt were soe watched by the French, that they could not except two or three Canoes that stole away soe were forced to goe with the French along the shore side of the Lake till they come to Oneagorah being two days by the way, where the French made a Fort and putt two great gunns and several Pattareras in it with four hundred men to bee there in Garrison, After they had been there five dayes, the rest of the army returned to Cadarachque and slept there one night, and left there some men, from whence they went to Mont Royall in two dayes, there this deponent left the Gov and the Christian Indians went to their Castles. to Jerondekatt, being butt one night

From the last Sinnekes Castle, called Theodehacto, the army went back againe, by another way, as they came by the way, and were butt two dayes still there, then the Gov gave orders that the whole army should goe directly to Oneageragh but the Xtian Indians refused the Gov forthwith followed them itt butt would returne to Kadaradkie, and soe went that way, with seven Canoes, each seven menn, and stopt them saying, what is the matter that j^ou leave us, itt is better that wee goe and returne together but they would not, till one Smiths John stood up and spoke very loud, saying to the rest of the Xtian Indians, you hear what the Gov' 8 will is, that wee should goe up with him, if wee doe not, he will force us to it come, you are lusty men let us goe with him, soe they were persuaded, and returned back with the Gov, severall Canoes endeavoured yett to escape, butt were soe watched by the French, that they could not except two or three Canoes that stole away soe were forced to goe with the French along the shore side of the Lake till they come to Oneagorah being two days by the way, where the French made a Fort and putt two great gunns and several Pattareras in it with four hundred men to bee there in Garrison, After they had been there five dayes, the rest of the army returned to Cadarachque and slept there one night, and left there some men, from whence they went to Mont Royall in two dayes, there this deponent left the Gov and the Christian Indians went to their Castles. to Jerondekatt, being butt one night

;

;

:

[

From Council Min. V. ]

Council! held at ffort James

Thurs day ye 18 th of Aug s 1687. (0. S.) .

Present His Excels the Gover &c.

The account of the Expence that has been about the Seneckas & the ffrench, Read Resolved that it be taken into Consid'ation that the Councill Do tomorrow give their oppions about a Method for Raising it, Councill held at ffort James ffriday y e 19"> Aug 8 ' 1687

The Councill give their opions about Raising mony to Defray y e expence about y° Indyans & y e ffrench

-- ----

----

--

Kesolved that a penny in y pound besides the former tax of a halfepenny in y pound be raised out of y e Estates of the ffrehold rs Inhabitants of Kings County queens County Dukes County Dutche

e

eses County Countys of Richmond Orange Suffolk & Westchester & one halfepenny in y e pound out

of y e Estates of y e Inhabitants

& ffreehold

tS

of y e Cittys

& Countys of New York and Albany &

County of Vlster and the mony be brought in to y c Kings Collector at y e Custome house on or before y e first day of May next. Ordered that two bills be Drawn up for the same Accordingly Councill held at ffort James

Saturday August ye 20* 1687

The Bill for Raiseing a penny in y pound out of y Estates of y & Inhabitants of y e Kings Queens Dukes & Dutcheses Countys the Countys of Richmond Orange westchester & Suffolk, Read and approved Passed and Signed by y e Govern* & Councill e

County of Vlster and the mony be brought in to y c Kings Collector at y e Custome house on or before y e first day of May next. Ordered that two bills be Drawn up for the same Accordingly Councill held at ffort James

Saturday August ye 20* 1687

The Bill for Raiseing a penny in y pound out of y Estates of y & Inhabitants of y e Kings Queens Dukes & Dutcheses Countys the Countys of Richmond Orange westchester & Suffolk, Read and approved Passed and Signed by y e Govern* & Councill e

'

c ffreehold 1 8

e

MR. SCHUYLER TO GOV. DONGAN. [Lond. Doc. V. ] 2 Sept. 1687.

May it please your Excellency Last night Anthy Lesjinard & Jean Rosie arrived here from Canada, have been twenty days upon the way, have letters from [for ?] your Excel! have therefore dispatched Anthoy with 2 Indians :

down, his compagnion being sick, could not goe The news your Excell will hear of Anth°. neverthelesse have thought fitt to examine his compagnion, who is an honest man, tells us these following news, of which your Excell may discourse :

:

Anth° about at large That he heard of father Valiant that the French will not release our people, Except that your Excell will promise not to supply the Sinnokes with ammunition or any other assistance :

That Anth° told him he heard one of the Fathers say, if the Sinnekes got any of there people prisoners would exchange our people for them, man for man.

down, his compagnion being sick, could not goe The news your Excell will hear of Anth°. neverthelesse have thought fitt to examine his compagnion, who is an honest man, tells us these following news, of which your Excell may discourse :

:

Anth° about at large That he heard of father Valiant that the French will not release our people, Except that your Excell will promise not to supply the Sinnokes with ammunition or any other assistance :

That Anth° told him he heard one of the Fathers say, if the Sinnekes got any of there people prisoners would exchange our people for them, man for man.

That they had now a great advantage of your Excell

:

and of the Indians also, having so many

of our people and of the Indians prisoners

He heard the Jesuits say that Cryn and the rest of the Christian Indians, were no ways inclined

to engage in the war if the Maquas, Oneydes and Onnondages were concern'd, because their brethren sisters, uncles ants ettc were there ; sit still, for he see

and therefore all means was used to engage said three nations to

5 Onnondage Christian Indians dispatched with belts and presents to the Onnondages 26 days agoe, to persuade them not to warr 5 The French were not minded to warr with any of the Indians, except the Sinnekes, and would make a peace with them also if they would deliver to them 10 or 12 of the best Sachims children for

to engage in the war if the Maquas, Oneydes and Onnondages were concern'd, because their brethren sisters, uncles ants ettc were there ; sit still, for he see

and therefore all means was used to engage said three nations to

5 Onnondage Christian Indians dispatched with belts and presents to the Onnondages 26 days agoe, to persuade them not to warr 5 The French were not minded to warr with any of the Indians, except the Sinnekes, and would make a peace with them also if they would deliver to them 10 or 12 of the best Sachims children for

hostage and then they would appoint them places where they should hunt

:

and so gett them wholly

to their disposition

The Governour of Canida sent for all the Bosslopers that were at Ottowawa and ordered them and meet him at Cadarachqua which they did, being about 300 men

to come only with their arms

under the command of three French Capt nB and left their Be vers in the Jesuits house at Dionondade, and so marched with the Governour of Canida to the Sinnekes, in the mean time a fortunate fyer

--

-- --

--

--

takes the house and burns them

all to the number of

20,000 Bevers, when the news came to Mon-

Royal the Bosslopers were like to go distracted

He heard by beat of Drumm proclaimed throu Mon Royall that as soon as the peace was made

with the Sinnekes the Ottowawa trade should be farm'd out, which displeased the Bosslopers much

under the command of three French Capt nB and left their Be vers in the Jesuits house at Dionondade, and so marched with the Governour of Canida to the Sinnekes, in the mean time a fortunate fyer

--

-- --

--

--

takes the house and burns them

all to the number of

20,000 Bevers, when the news came to Mon-

Royal the Bosslopers were like to go distracted

He heard by beat of Drumm proclaimed throu Mon Royall that as soon as the peace was made

with the Sinnekes the Ottowawa trade should be farm'd out, which displeased the Bosslopers much

and said, that if that was done they were all ruined

Many of the Bosslopers Avere inclined to come here not being minded to fight against the Sinnekes, but dare not come for fear of the Indians by the way

Itt was generally beleev'd that the Sinnekes would come to Canida and begg fcr peace, because

there corn was destroyed, and if they were supplyed by them of Albany they would come hither in

the winter and plunder this place, having 1 500 pare of snow shoes ready made, and if they found that we gave the Sinnakes any the least assistance, they would not let the Childe in the cradle live

He heard further of a Merchant that if we would supply the Sinnekes they would send our

people away all severall ways, some to Spain, some to Portugall some to the Islands, and it was no

there corn was destroyed, and if they were supplyed by them of Albany they would come hither in

the winter and plunder this place, having 1 500 pare of snow shoes ready made, and if they found that we gave the Sinnakes any the least assistance, they would not let the Childe in the cradle live

He heard further of a Merchant that if we would supply the Sinnekes they would send our

people away all severall ways, some to Spain, some to Portugall some to the Islands, and it was no

more than the English had done to Mons r Pere whom they kept 18 months in close prison at London. The French all acknowledge the Sinnekes fought very well, and if there number had been greater it would have gone hard with the French for the new men were not used to the Sinnekes hoop and hollow, all the officers falling down closse upon the ground, for the Officers jeard on another about it att Mont Royall

This is what Jean Rosie Anth

Lespinard's compagnion doth relate being an inhabitant of this

towne, and a verry honest man, although a frenchman, they were kept 5 weeks in arrest after they

came to Canida upon a pretence that there passe was false, for could not beleive your Excell c y was here butt gone home haveing such advice from the French ambassadour he prays your Excell

:

would

consider the pains and trouble and the loss of time that has been att waiting for an answer from the

towne, and a verry honest man, although a frenchman, they were kept 5 weeks in arrest after they

came to Canida upon a pretence that there passe was false, for could not beleive your Excell c y was here butt gone home haveing such advice from the French ambassadour he prays your Excell

:

would

consider the pains and trouble and the loss of time that has been att waiting for an answer from the

French Governour we have put down these articles that your Excell may examine Anth about them (since he knows nothing of this) because he was extream familliar with the Govern and all ;

:

1"

men there We have the news of Keman that the Indians have taken 8 men 1 woman and 8 crownes or scalpes, and kild neer upon 20 more at the place where the Barks are, the particulars your Excell will have in R Levingstone's letter We find that the selling of strong Liquor to there great

:

--

:

the Indians is a great hindrance to all designs they take in hand,

nechtady, if your Excell well

:

:

lay a drinking continually at Skiwould be pleased to prohibit itt for two or three months would do very

We remain Your Excellency most humble and most obedient servant

P r Schuyler.

COL.

D0NGAN TO THE LORD PRESIDENT. [

Lond. Doc. V. ] Sept. 8 1687

My Lord --I gave your Lodp an ace* in my last letter that I had Intelligence the French were come on this side of the Lake, to make war with the Sennekes I send the Bearer Judge Palmer to give his Mat y an account of their Invading his territories without any manner of Provocation if your Lodi' will please to read his Instructions you will find a true

Doc. V. ] Sept. 8 1687

My Lord --I gave your Lodp an ace* in my last letter that I had Intelligence the French were come on this side of the Lake, to make war with the Sennekes I send the Bearer Judge Palmer to give his Mat y an account of their Invading his territories without any manner of Provocation if your Lodi' will please to read his Instructions you will find a true

accompt of their Proceedings

TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

The Senekas desired assistance of men but I put them off by giving them Powder, Lead, Arms and other things, fitting & necessary for them @ also by making such Propositions as I thought would s please them being unwilling actually to ingage the French until I knew his Maty' pleasure e Partiall that they are very being unjust, to enter the King's French without I must needs say of

y

Territories in a hostile manner after the offers I made them I know their Pretence will be, that

our Indians have wronged them, but it is not soe, for the

Beaver Trade is the sole end of their Designs, whatever Colour they give to their Actions which is only hindred by the Five nations of Indians on this side of the Lake who have submitted themselves the awe Dread of Those Five nations are very brave their Lands to the King's subjection.

@

@

all

y

c Indyans in these Parts of

@

America, and are a better defence to us, than if they were so many

Beaver Trade is the sole end of their Designs, whatever Colour they give to their Actions which is only hindred by the Five nations of Indians on this side of the Lake who have submitted themselves the awe Dread of Those Five nations are very brave their Lands to the King's subjection.

@

@

all

y

c Indyans in these Parts of

@

America, and are a better defence to us, than if they were so many

Christians.

The Claim the French can make, to the father Indians, or any on this side y e Lake is no other than what they may have to Japan which is that some of their Priests have resided amongst them Peace or Warr, it will be very necessary to send over men @ to build those Forts, I have mentioned in my Instructions to Judge Palmer, for the French are encroaching as fast as they can, and a little thing can prevent now what will cost a great expence of Blood @ Money hereafter. My Lord there are people enough in Ireland who had pretences to Estates there @ are of no advantage to the country @ may live here very happy I do not doubt if his Mat y think fitt to employ my Nephew he will bring over as many as the King will find convenient to send

who will be no charge to his

Mat y after they are Landed, Provided all Connecticut @ East @ West Jersey be added to this Government @

My Lord there are people enough in Ireland who had pretences to Estates there @ are of no advantage to the country @ may live here very happy I do not doubt if his Mat y think fitt to employ my Nephew he will bring over as many as the King will find convenient to send

who will be no charge to his

Mat y after they are Landed, Provided all Connecticut @ East @ West Jersey be added to this Government @

to

add anything of Connecticut

to Boston is the

most unproportionable thing in the

world they having already a hundred times more Land, Riches the charge of this Governm

@ People than this province @ yet

more than that

GOVERNOR DONGAN'S INSTRUCTIONS TO CAPT. PALMER. [

Lond. Doc. V. ] 8th Sept. 1687.

You are to inform his Maty that in May last I had letters from Albany @ Informacons of Indians that came from Canada, That the Governor of Canada went from Monte Royall with a great many French and Indyans in Boats and Canno's towards Cadaraque with an Intention to come on this side of the lake

@ war against the Sennekes upon Receipt of which I called the Councill @ the letters @

Information were read upon which the Councill thought convenient to give what assistance possibly

we could to our Indians, and to that intent I, Major Brockhells yourself @ other gentlemen went up to Albany where there was

from time to time such orders and Instructions sent @ given to the Indyans as was thought fitt for their security

@ war against the Sennekes upon Receipt of which I called the Councill @ the letters @

Information were read upon which the Councill thought convenient to give what assistance possibly

we could to our Indians, and to that intent I, Major Brockhells yourself @ other gentlemen went up to Albany where there was

from time to time such orders and Instructions sent @ given to the Indyans as was thought fitt for their security

@

The French Pretence for Coming into the King's Territories warring with our Indians is that they war with the further nation of Indyans who lye on the back of Maryland, Virginia, Carolina,

@

which is only a feigned pretence for that I have sent sev 11 Letters to Mons r La Bar who was Governor of Canada to signify that if our Indians had done them any injury they should make them all reasonable satisfaction, but that would not satisfy, for he came to Cayonhage where the Indians would

have me build a Fort @ there made a Peace with the Indians so that what the Indians had done be-

fore this

Govm came was concluded and agreed thereby tho they had not done any thing to the

Frenclrbut what was in Pursuance of his own orders

And as to their Warring with the farther Indyans that is more hurtfull to us than the French they being inclined to trade with us rather than them which by their Warring is hindred

@ in my opinion

have me build a Fort @ there made a Peace with the Indians so that what the Indians had done be-

fore this

Govm came was concluded and agreed thereby tho they had not done any thing to the

Frenclrbut what was in Pursuance of his own orders

And as to their Warring with the farther Indyans that is more hurtfull to us than the French they being inclined to trade with us rather than them which by their Warring is hindred

@ in my opinion

the Christians ought not to meddle with the Indians warring one with another it being the ruin of

themselves And as for this present Governor of Canada Mons de Nonville he has no ground for what

he does, for I have from time to time offered to do him Justice for any ill the Indians should committ and sent a messinger this Spring to him for that purpose to take away all pretence whatsoever @ also sent him word that those five Nations on our side of the Lake had delivered themselves @ their Lands under the subjection of our King @ that I had caused the Kings arms to be sett upon all their ;

Castles

But their reason for this Warr is that the Indyans would not submitt @ joyn themselves to the French who have used all other meanes to effect it @ those failing have caused this attempt so that

we find they have a further design which is by the Ruin of those Indians to engross both the trade

he does, for I have from time to time offered to do him Justice for any ill the Indians should committ and sent a messinger this Spring to him for that purpose to take away all pretence whatsoever @ also sent him word that those five Nations on our side of the Lake had delivered themselves @ their Lands under the subjection of our King @ that I had caused the Kings arms to be sett upon all their ;

Castles

But their reason for this Warr is that the Indyans would not submitt @ joyn themselves to the French who have used all other meanes to effect it @ those failing have caused this attempt so that

we find they have a further design which is by the Ruin of those Indians to engross both the trade

@ Country wholly to themselves, and to that intent the French King has sent over upwards of 3000 men besides what came this last spring and alsoe has built a Fort at a place called Shamblee and another at Monte Royall and another at Trois Riviers one at Cataraque at the other side of the Lake

and tills spring an other on our side of the Lake at a place called Onyegra where I had thought to have built one it being the place where all our Traders & Beaver Hunters must pass. So that they are resolved to Ruin all those Indians @ if they compass their design it will be of very ill consequence to all his Mat JS subjects in those parts of America for they are a better Bullwark against the French and the other Indians than so many Christians, @ if the French have all that they pretend to have discovered of these Parts, the King of England will not have 100 miles from the sea any where, for the people of Canada are poor @ live only on the Beaver @ Peltry and the Kings subjects here living plentifully have not regarded making discoveries into the country until of late being encouraged by me one Roseboon had leave in the year 1685 to go with some young men asfarr as the Ottawawe &, Twiswicks, where they were very well rec @ invited to come every year, and they desired that the Sinnekas being their enemies would open a path for them that they might come tl

So that they are resolved to Ruin all those Indians @ if they compass their design it will be of very ill consequence to all his Mat JS subjects in those parts of America for they are a better Bullwark against the French and the other Indians than so many Christians, @ if the French have all that they pretend to have discovered of these Parts, the King of England will not have 100 miles from the sea any where, for the people of Canada are poor @ live only on the Beaver @ Peltry and the Kings subjects here living plentifully have not regarded making discoveries into the country until of late being encouraged by me one Roseboon had leave in the year 1685 to go with some young men asfarr as the Ottawawe &, Twiswicks, where they were very well rec @ invited to come every year, and they desired that the Sinnekas being their enemies would open a path for them that they might come tl

to

Albany.

But a little after their being there a party of our Indians being out attacked a Castle of theirs, took 5 or 600 prisaners and brought them away to their own country, which when I heard of I ordered the Indians to deliver to Roseboom @ to one Major McGregory a Scots gent n (who went with 60 of the young men of Albany, and some of Albany Indians a Beaver trading to those further nations) as many of those prisoners as were willing to return home, the Gov of Canada hearing of their going that way sent 200 French @ 3 or 400 Indians to intercept them, has taken them Prisoners taken r

But a little after their being there a party of our Indians being out attacked a Castle of theirs, took 5 or 600 prisaners and brought them away to their own country, which when I heard of I ordered the Indians to deliver to Roseboom @ to one Major McGregory a Scots gent n (who went with 60 of the young men of Albany, and some of Albany Indians a Beaver trading to those further nations) as many of those prisoners as were willing to return home, the Gov of Canada hearing of their going that way sent 200 French @ 3 or 400 Indians to intercept them, has taken them Prisoners taken r

their goods from them

@ what they further design to do with them is not yet known.

And for this Government which is too poor of itself to help our Indians without adding Connecticut

@ East @ West Jersey in case the war continues without the assistance of our Neighbours @ some men out of Europe will be wholly impossible, for we are the least government @ the poorest @ yet are at the greatest charges @ we find this year that the Revenue is very much diminished for in other years we are used to Ship off for England 35 or 40,000 Beavers besides Peltry @ this year only 9000 and some hundreds peltry in all.

The Council to show their readiness to serve the King have passed two acts for raising l d P lb at New York, Isopus @ Albany, these three places being the only support of the Government @ l^ d on Long Island @ the rest of the Government who do not advance the Kings Revenue neither by r

@ East @ West Jersey in case the war continues without the assistance of our Neighbours @ some men out of Europe will be wholly impossible, for we are the least government @ the poorest @ yet are at the greatest charges @ we find this year that the Revenue is very much diminished for in other years we are used to Ship off for England 35 or 40,000 Beavers besides Peltry @ this year only 9000 and some hundreds peltry in all.

The Council to show their readiness to serve the King have passed two acts for raising l d P lb at New York, Isopus @ Albany, these three places being the only support of the Government @ l^ d on Long Island @ the rest of the Government who do not advance the Kings Revenue neither by r

Excise nor Customs 150 lb P ann

:

To secure the Beaver & Peltry Trade @ the Kings right to the Country It's mine and the Councils opinion (alsoe to have an awe over our Indians @ make them firm to us) to build a Fort at :

DENONVILLe's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA. Corlars Lake ; to secure us that

way from the Incursion of either French, or Indians, another at

Cayonhage upon the great Lake, and another at Onyegra @ two or three little other Forts between Schonectade @ the Lake to secure our people going @ coming This cannot possibly be done without 4 or 500 men out of Europe, @ in case Connecticut @ the two Jerseys be added to this Government, with some help from Pensylvania, @ the three lower Countys it may be effected without any charge to the King, and will be a great security to all these parts of America If the metes

Cayonhage upon the great Lake, and another at Onyegra @ two or three little other Forts between Schonectade @ the Lake to secure our people going @ coming This cannot possibly be done without 4 or 500 men out of Europe, @ in case Connecticut @ the two Jerseys be added to this Government, with some help from Pensylvania, @ the three lower Countys it may be effected without any charge to the King, and will be a great security to all these parts of America If the metes

@ bounds could be adjusted at home it would be very convenient, provided always

that the Country were first well discovered

advantage.

by us in which the French at present have much the

And it is very unreasonable that the French who lye so much to the Northward of us

sh a extend themselves soe far to the Southward

@ Westward on the Backside of his Maty Plantas

cons when they have so vast a quantity of land Lying Directly behind y sess, to the Northward

e dominions

they now pos-

@ Northwest as far as the South sea

Whether Peace or War it is necessary that the Forts should be built, @ that religious men live amongst the Indians.

have that influence over^mr Indians, that I am sure they will not war on any Indians living

amongst His Maty 8 subjects.

The monies that are now to be raised is for defraying the charge of Arms, Powder, Lead @ other make some preparations against the Spring in

@ Northwest as far as the South sea

Whether Peace or War it is necessary that the Forts should be built, @ that religious men live amongst the Indians.

have that influence over^mr Indians, that I am sure they will not war on any Indians living

amongst His Maty 8 subjects.

The monies that are now to be raised is for defraying the charge of Arms, Powder, Lead @ other make some preparations against the Spring in

presents given to the Indians this summer as also to

Case of Necessity.

Whatsoever is his Maty s pleasure I desire that My Lord Sunderland, will by the first conveniency either by the way of Maryland, Virginia or Boston let me know and send me orders, how I shall proceed in this affair,

You are so well acquainted with all that has passed in this Government, concerning this affair with the French, and my constant Endeavors to preserve a good correspondence with them, that what I have here omitted I desire you will take care to inform his Mat*.

Thos Dongan Dated the 8th September 16S7

M.

DE DENONVILLE TO GOV. DONGAN. [

Paris Doc. III. ; Lond. Doc. V.

]

August 22, 1687.

--The respect

your Master and the orders I have from the King to live in harmony with His Britannic Majesty's Subjects induce me, Sir, to address you this letter on Sir

I entertain for the King

the present state of affairs, so as not to have any thing to reproach myself with.

Thos Dongan Dated the 8th September 16S7

M.

DE DENONVILLE TO GOV. DONGAN. [

Paris Doc. III. ; Lond. Doc. V.

]

August 22, 1687.

--The respect

your Master and the orders I have from the King to live in harmony with His Britannic Majesty's Subjects induce me, Sir, to address you this letter on Sir

I entertain for the King

the present state of affairs, so as not to have any thing to reproach myself with.

On seeing, Sir, the letter you were at the trouble to write me on my arrival in this government I persuaded myself by your frank discourse that we should five in the greatest harmony and best understanding in the world, but the event has well proved that your intentions did not at all accord with your fine words.

You recollect, Sir, that you positively asked me in that same letter to refer the difference about boundaries to the decision of our Masters ; letters more recently received from you fully convince me that you received that which I wrote you in reply to your first to shew you that I willingly left

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

Nevertheless, Sir, whilst you were expressing these civilities to me you were giving orders and sending passes to despatch canoes to trade at Missilimaquina where an Englishman had never set his foot and where we, the French, are established more than 60 years. I shall say nothing of the tricks and intrigues resorted to by your people and by your orders to induce all the Savage tribes domiciled with the French to revolt against us. I tell you nothing, Your Traders at Orange either, of all your intrigues to engage the Iroquois to declare war against us. have made noise enough about it, and your presents of munitions of war made, with this view, last year and this, are convictions sufficiently conclusive not to entertain a doubt of it, even were there not proofs at hand of your wicked designs against the subjects of the King whose bread you have eaten long enough and by whom you have been sufficiently well entertained to cause you to have more regard for His Majesty, though you had not all the orders from his Brittanic Majesty that you have to live well with all the subjects of the King, his antient friend.

I tell you nothing, Your Traders at Orange either, of all your intrigues to engage the Iroquois to declare war against us. have made noise enough about it, and your presents of munitions of war made, with this view, last year and this, are convictions sufficiently conclusive not to entertain a doubt of it, even were there not proofs at hand of your wicked designs against the subjects of the King whose bread you have eaten long enough and by whom you have been sufficiently well entertained to cause you to have more regard for His Majesty, though you had not all the orders from his Brittanic Majesty that you have to live well with all the subjects of the King, his antient friend. What have you not done, Sir, to prevent the Senecas surrendering to me the Outaouas and Huron prisoners of Missillimaquina whom they treacherously captured last year, and how many goings and coinings have there not been to the Senecas on your part and that of your traders who do nothing that decision to our Masters.

but by your orders, to prevent the restitution of the said prisoners bj, the said Senecas who were solicited at the village of the Onontagues to give

me satisfaction.

I avow to you, Sir, that I should never have expected such proceedings on your part, which without doubt will not please the King your Master, who will never approve your so strenuously opposing

by threats of chastisement the Iroquois coming to me, when I invited them to visit me to arrange Three years ago, Sir,

but by your orders, to prevent the restitution of the said prisoners bj, the said Senecas who were solicited at the village of the Onontagues to give

me satisfaction.

I avow to you, Sir, that I should never have expected such proceedings on your part, which without doubt will not please the King your Master, who will never approve your so strenuously opposing

by threats of chastisement the Iroquois coming to me, when I invited them to visit me to arrange Three years ago, Sir,

with them the causes of discontent that I had on account of their violences.

you made use of them to wage war against the French and their allies, you took great pains to give them, for that purpose, more lead, powder and arms than they asked. You did more, Sir for you promised them reinforcements of men to sustain them against the King's subjects quite recently, Sir, you would have again pushed your ill will further by sending two Parties, commanded by men carrying your orders, to Missilimaquina to expel us from there and put you into possession, contrary to the word you have given not to undertake anything before the arrangement of their Majesties, our ;

;

Masters.

You have, Sir, still surpassed all that

;

for after the pains

you had taken to prevent the Iroquois

assembling at Catarocouy where I expected to meet them to

settle all our differences and

receive

from them the satisfaction they should have afforded me, as well in regard to the Huron and Outaouas prisoners they would have given up to me had you not opposed it, as for the pillagings and robberies that they have committed on us, and all the insults they daily oner our missionaries, as well those

you had taken to prevent the Iroquois

assembling at Catarocouy where I expected to meet them to

settle all our differences and

receive

from them the satisfaction they should have afforded me, as well in regard to the Huron and Outaouas prisoners they would have given up to me had you not opposed it, as for the pillagings and robberies that they have committed on us, and all the insults they daily oner our missionaries, as well those

they may have actually among them as those they have expelled after an infinite amount of ill treatment during 20 years they lived in their villages after you, Sir, having, I say, so little regard for the interests of the King's subjects and the good of Religion whose progress you thus prevent, you have, ;

Sir, quite recently contravened the last treaty entered into between our masters, a copy of which you

have received with orders to observe it, and of which you have also sent me copy. Read it well, Sir, if you please, and you will there remark how strongly their Majesties have it at heart to preserve their subjects in good union and understanding, so that their Majesties understand that the enemies of one are the enemies of the other. If the avarice of your merchants influenced you less than the desire to execute the orders of the King your master, doubtless, Sir, I should already have had proofs

of your good disposition to execute the said treaty, according to which you ought not to afford either refuge or protection to the savages, enemies of the French Colony, much less assist them with ammunition to wage war against it.

Read it well, Sir, if you please, and you will there remark how strongly their Majesties have it at heart to preserve their subjects in good union and understanding, so that their Majesties understand that the enemies of one are the enemies of the other. If the avarice of your merchants influenced you less than the desire to execute the orders of the King your master, doubtless, Sir, I should already have had proofs

of your good disposition to execute the said treaty, according to which you ought not to afford either refuge or protection to the savages, enemies of the French Colony, much less assist them with ammunition to wage war against it.

Nevertheless, I assert positively that

of said treaty of neutrality, contravened

ment save by your orders.

it in

you have, since the publication your governthis particular, since nothing is done in

DENONVILLE'S EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA. After that, judge,

Sir,

what just grounds I have to^cornplain of, and be on my guard against,

you.

On my return from the campaign which I just made against the Senecas, I received the letter that you took the trouble to write me, Sir, on the 11 th (20 th ) June of this year. You send me copy of the Treaty of Neutrality entered into between our masters of which I also transmitted you a copy as I had rec J it from the King and it was published in this country.

Nothing more is required therein,

On my return from the campaign which I just made against the Senecas, I received the letter that you took the trouble to write me, Sir, on the 11 th (20 th ) June of this year. You send me copy of the Treaty of Neutrality entered into between our masters of which I also transmitted you a copy as I had rec J it from the King and it was published in this country.

Nothing more is required therein,

have it fully and literally executed as well on your part as on mine. To do that you must discontinue protecting the enemies of the Colony and cease to receive them among you, and to Sir, than to

furnish them with munitions as you have done. at the time of

You must, also, observe the promise you gave me

my arrival, that you would leave the decision of the limits to our masters. You must,

likewise, not undertake any expedition against us in any of our establishments, the greatest portions

of which were before Orange (Albany) was what it is, or any of Manate were acquainted with the Iroquois and the Ouatouas.

When you arrived at your present government, did you not find, Sir, in the whole of the five Iroquois villages, all our Missionaries sent by the King almost the entire of whom the heretic merchants have caused to be expelled even in your time, which is not honorable to your government. It is only three years since the greater

of which were before Orange (Albany) was what it is, or any of Manate were acquainted with the Iroquois and the Ouatouas.

When you arrived at your present government, did you not find, Sir, in the whole of the five Iroquois villages, all our Missionaries sent by the King almost the entire of whom the heretic merchants have caused to be expelled even in your time, which is not honorable to your government. It is only three years since the greater

number have been forced to leave

alone bore up against the insults and

ill

traders.

;

the fathers Lambreville

treatment they received through the solicitations of your

Is it not true, Sir, that you panted only to

induce them to abandon their mission ]

You

you took the trouble to send under a guise of duty so late as last year to solicit them by urgent discourses to retire under the pretext that I wished to declare war against the village of the Onnontagues. What certainty had you of it, Sir, if it were not your charge and prohibitions you had given them, against giving me up the prisoners I demanded of them, and they surrendered to me 1 You foresaw the war I would make because you wished me to make it against them and because you obliged me to wage that against the Senecas. In this way, Sir, it is very easy to recollect, Sir, that

foresee what occurs. I admire, Sir, the passage of

your last letter of the 11 th June of this year in which you state that

What certainty had you of it, Sir, if it were not your charge and prohibitions you had given them, against giving me up the prisoners I demanded of them, and they surrendered to me 1 You foresaw the war I would make because you wished me to make it against them and because you obliged me to wage that against the Senecas. In this way, Sir, it is very easy to recollect, Sir, that

foresee what occurs. I admire, Sir, the passage of

your last letter of the 11 th June of this year in which you state that

the King of England your Master has juster title than the King to the Posts we occupy, and the

foundation of your reasoning is that they are situate to the South of you, just on the border of one portion of your dominion (domination.)

In refutation of your sorry reasonings, Sir, it is only necesyou are very badly acquainted with the Map of the country and know less the It is points of the compass where those Posts are relative to the situation of Menade, (New York.) and again what time occupy those Posts who you length of we discovered only necessary to ask them You or we ? Again, who is in possession of them 1 After that, read the 5 th article of the treaty of Neutrality and you will see, if you were justified in giving orders to establish your trade by force of arms at Missilimaquina. As I send you a copy of your letter with the answer to each Suffice it to say this in conclusion, article, I need not repeat here what is embraced in that answer. Mr. Gregory here your officer and all your orders for your pretended expedition, who that I retain were taken within the Posts occupied by the King.

Again, who is in possession of them 1 After that, read the 5 th article of the treaty of Neutrality and you will see, if you were justified in giving orders to establish your trade by force of arms at Missilimaquina. As I send you a copy of your letter with the answer to each Suffice it to say this in conclusion, article, I need not repeat here what is embraced in that answer. Mr. Gregory here your officer and all your orders for your pretended expedition, who that I retain were taken within the Posts occupied by the King. My first design was to send them back to you but as I know that you entertain and give aid and comfort to the Iroquois Savages contrary to the Treaty of Neutrality of the 16 th Nov 1686 agreed to by our Masters, causing them to be supplied with all munitions necessary to wage war against us, I have determined, in spite of myself, to retain all your people until you have complied with the Intentions of the King your Master and executed said Treaty, being obliged to regard you as the King's enemy whilst you entertain his enemies and contravene the treaties entered into between the King of England and the King my Master. All that I can tell you for certain, Sir, is, that your conduct will be the rule of mine, and that it will remain with yourself that the said Treaty be thoroughly executed. I must obey my Master and sary to tell you that

My first design was to send them back to you but as I know that you entertain and give aid and comfort to the Iroquois Savages contrary to the Treaty of Neutrality of the 16 th Nov 1686 agreed to by our Masters, causing them to be supplied with all munitions necessary to wage war against us, I have determined, in spite of myself, to retain all your people until you have complied with the Intentions of the King your Master and executed said Treaty, being obliged to regard you as the King's enemy whilst you entertain his enemies and contravene the treaties entered into between the King of England and the King my Master. All that I can tell you for certain, Sir, is, that your conduct will be the rule of mine, and that it will remain with yourself that the said Treaty be thoroughly executed. I must obey my Master and sary to tell you that

--

r

[Vol. I.]

DENONVlLLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

much respect and veneration for one of the greatest Kings in the world, the protector of the Church. You pretend that the Iroquois are under your dominion. To this I in no wise agree, but

I have

on which our Masters will determine. But whether they be or be not, from the moment that they are our enemies you ought to be opposed to them and be their enemies, and if it is a question

you comfort them, directly or indirectly, I must regard you as an enemy of the Colony and I shall be justified in subjecting the prisoners I have belonging to your government to the same treatment that

I have

on which our Masters will determine. But whether they be or be not, from the moment that they are our enemies you ought to be opposed to them and be their enemies, and if it is a question

you comfort them, directly or indirectly, I must regard you as an enemy of the Colony and I shall be justified in subjecting the prisoners I have belonging to your government to the same treatment that

the enemies of the Colony will observe towards us.

Hereupon, Sir, I will expect news from you as well as the fitting assurances you will please give

me that I may be certain you do not employ the Iroquois to wage war on us by giving them protection.

Kely on me Sir.

Let us attach ourselves closely to the execution of our Masters' intentions ; let

us seek after their example to promote Religion cording to their desires.

I repeat

and serve it

let us live in good understanding ac-

;

and protest, Sir, it remains only with you.

But do not imagine

that I am a man to suffer others to play me tricks. I send you back Antoine Lespinard, bearer of your passport

resolution on the restitution of your prisoners whom I wish

and letter.

I shall

await your final

much to give up to you, on condition

that you execute the treaty of Neutrality in all its extent and that you furnish me with proper guarantees therefor.

Your very humble & very ob* Serv 1

that I am a man to suffer others to play me tricks. I send you back Antoine Lespinard, bearer of your passport

resolution on the restitution of your prisoners whom I wish

and letter.

I shall

await your final

much to give up to you, on condition

that you execute the treaty of Neutrality in all its extent and that you furnish me with proper guarantees therefor.

Your very humble & very ob* Serv 1

The M. de Denonville.

[

From Council Min. V. ]

Council held at ffort James,

Monday the ffifth day of September 1687 Present His Excelcy the Govenr &c Proposed that Some Course may be taken about Major McGregorie & his Company who are prisoners in Cannada.

Resolved that a lett r be sent by a ffitt person to y e Governor of Cannada about that and the oth r injurys he has done his Majties subjects of this Government Councill held at ffort James,

Wednesday y e Seaventh day of Septemb 1687. Present His Excel y the Govern &c. 1"

It being

now plaine that y c ffrench are Resolved to Do all the Prejudice they can to the Kings

Subjects of this Government It is for y e preventon thereof

Ordred that ye people of y e City and County of Albany Do Cutt Pallasadoes and by y e five and twentienth day of March next Cart them to y e s d Citty and y c towne of Schanechtade to fortifye

That in y e meanetime they Keep a careful Watch there and that this ord r

now plaine that y c ffrench are Resolved to Do all the Prejudice they can to the Kings

Subjects of this Government It is for y e preventon thereof

Ordred that ye people of y e City and County of Albany Do Cutt Pallasadoes and by y e five and twentienth day of March next Cart them to y e s d Citty and y c towne of Schanechtade to fortifye

That in y e meanetime they Keep a careful Watch there and that this ord r

those places in y e Spring

be sent to y c Justices of y e Peace of y c s d County who are to take Care that it Be put in Execution.

That y e Mayor of Albany send ord rs to y e North Indyans to Keep thirty or forty Indyans allways towards Corlaers lake.

That the s d Mayor if he be in Albany send a belt of Wampum to Each of

the five Nations with ord

rs

that y e Christian Indyans who Come from Caunada to them be sent Hith r

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA. to his Ex y y e Govern

1,

and to encourage y e Indyans to look out Carefully letting them Know the Govern will be up early there y c next Spring

Ordred that a Proclamacdn be Drawn up Prohibiting y e Bringing any Indyan Corne or Pease Out of y c Countys of Albany and Vlster until further Ordrs Ordred that Peiter Schuyler take examinacons of y e antientest traders In Albany how many yeares

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA. to his Ex y y e Govern

1,

and to encourage y e Indyans to look out Carefully letting them Know the Govern will be up early there y c next Spring

Ordred that a Proclamacdn be Drawn up Prohibiting y e Bringing any Indyan Corne or Pease Out of y c Countys of Albany and Vlster until further Ordrs Ordred that Peiter Schuyler take examinacons of y e antientest traders In Albany how many yeares

Agon they or any others first traded with y° Indyans y had the Straws or Pipes thro' their noses and l

the flfarther Indyans.

GOV.

DONGAN TO M. DE DENONVILLE. [

Par. Doc. III.

;

Lond. Doo. V. ] 8th Sept. 1687.

--Yours of the 21 of August st

Sir

last I have received and

am sorry that Mons r de Nonville has so

soon forgot the orders he had received from his master to live well with the King »f England's subbut I find the air of Canada has strange effects on all the Governour's boddys, for I no sooner jects,

came into this province than Mons r de la Barr desired my assistance to warr against the Sinnekes, upon which I went to Albany and sent for the fiue nacons to come to me, and when they came was very angry with them for offering to doe any thing to the French that might disturb their hunting, or otherwise, on which they answered me that they had not don anything to the French, but what Mons de la Barr ordered them, which was that if they mett with any French hunting without his' passe to take what they had from them, notwithstanding if any of their people which were abroad had don any injury they knew not of, they assured me they would give satisfaction.

came into this province than Mons r de la Barr desired my assistance to warr against the Sinnekes, upon which I went to Albany and sent for the fiue nacons to come to me, and when they came was very angry with them for offering to doe any thing to the French that might disturb their hunting, or otherwise, on which they answered me that they had not don anything to the French, but what Mons de la Barr ordered them, which was that if they mett with any French hunting without his' passe to take what they had from them, notwithstanding if any of their people which were abroad had don any injury they knew not of, they assured me they would give satisfaction. I send him word of all this, and assured him satisffaction, butt notwithstanding, he comes in a hostile manner on this side of the lake to a place called Kayonhaga,and there by the means of the Onnondages made a peace with the Sinnekes, so if they have committed any fault before that, it was all concluded there, but I appeal to any rational man whatever whether it was fitt for any Govern r of Canada to treate or make any peace with his Majesty's subjects without the advice and knowledge of the Governour of the Provinc they lived under, butt I finde the designe to ruine those five nations (Since you cannot with bribes or other means gain them to be of your party), is of a longer date than three of foure since Mons r Denonuille follows the same steps his predecessors trod in, tho' he proposed to yeares. himselfe so fair a beginning, I am sure he will not make so good an end for no sooner was Mons Denonuille in possession of his government butt he began to build a great many boates and cannoes, and putt a great deal of provisions and stores in the Cataraque at which our Indians on this side of the lake were much alarmed and came to me, to know the meaneing of itt. upon which I sent to you by the way of Mons Lamberville to know what you intended by all these preparations, your answer was, as Mons r Denonville may remember that the winters being long, and you resolving to have a good number of men at Cataraque, you accordingly made provision for them, and if I had not really believed what you writt to be true I might have bin in as much readynesse to have gone on the other side of the lake as Mons r de Nonuille was to come on this.

I send him word of all this, and assured him satisffaction, butt notwithstanding, he comes in a hostile manner on this side of the lake to a place called Kayonhaga,and there by the means of the Onnondages made a peace with the Sinnekes, so if they have committed any fault before that, it was all concluded there, but I appeal to any rational man whatever whether it was fitt for any Govern r of Canada to treate or make any peace with his Majesty's subjects without the advice and knowledge of the Governour of the Provinc they lived under, butt I finde the designe to ruine those five nations (Since you cannot with bribes or other means gain them to be of your party), is of a longer date than three of foure since Mons r Denonuille follows the same steps his predecessors trod in, tho' he proposed to yeares. himselfe so fair a beginning, I am sure he will not make so good an end for no sooner was Mons Denonuille in possession of his government butt he began to build a great many boates and cannoes, and putt a great deal of provisions and stores in the Cataraque at which our Indians on this side of the lake were much alarmed and came to me, to know the meaneing of itt. upon which I sent to you by the way of Mons Lamberville to know what you intended by all these preparations, your answer was, as Mons r Denonville may remember that the winters being long, and you resolving to have a good number of men at Cataraque, you accordingly made provision for them, and if I had not really believed what you writt to be true I might have bin in as much readynesse to have gone on the other side of the lake as Mons r de Nonuille was to come on this.

Now sir, I will not answer your hayty way of expressions in your own stile butt will plainly let you know the matter of fact as it is if S you [will] please to peruse those letters I from time to time sent you, you will find that I still couetted nothing more than to preserue that friendshipp which is between our masters, and aught to be between their subjects here, and as you well remarke, is according to their commands, r

:

r

;

r

--

--

--

;

and pray, Sir, which is itt of us both that hath taken the way to unty that knott of friendshipp Mons r de Nonuille invadeing the King of England's territorys,in a hostill manner, (tho' his reception has not been according to his expectation) is soe plaine a matter of fact that it is undeniable whether you did it designedly, to make a misunderstanding or noe, I cannot tell, if you did I hope itt will take noe effect butt that our masters at home notwithstanding all your trained souldlcis and greate officers come from Europe will suffer us poor planters and farmers, his Majesties subjects in these parts of America, to do ourselves justice on you for the injuryes and spoyle you have committed on them, and I assure you Sir if my master gives leave I will be as soon [with you] at Quebeck as you shall be att Albany,

as for Major

M Gregorie and those others you took prisoners they had c

and pray, Sir, which is itt of us both that hath taken the way to unty that knott of friendshipp Mons r de Nonuille invadeing the King of England's territorys,in a hostill manner, (tho' his reception has not been according to his expectation) is soe plaine a matter of fact that it is undeniable whether you did it designedly, to make a misunderstanding or noe, I cannot tell, if you did I hope itt will take noe effect butt that our masters at home notwithstanding all your trained souldlcis and greate officers come from Europe will suffer us poor planters and farmers, his Majesties subjects in these parts of America, to do ourselves justice on you for the injuryes and spoyle you have committed on them, and I assure you Sir if my master gives leave I will be as soon [with you] at Quebeck as you shall be att Albany,

as for Major

M Gregorie and those others you took prisoners they had c

no passe from me to go to Missillimaquine butt a pass to go to the Ottowawas, where I thought it might bee as free for us to trade as for you, and as for giving them any commission or instructions to

you do me wrong, and if you please to read his instructions you will

disturb your people I assure

find there I give express orders to the contrary and for your pretences to sixty yeares possession, 'tis

impossible for they and the Indians who wear pipes thro' their noses, traded with Albany long before

no passe from me to go to Missillimaquine butt a pass to go to the Ottowawas, where I thought it might bee as free for us to trade as for you, and as for giving them any commission or instructions to

you do me wrong, and if you please to read his instructions you will

disturb your people I assure

find there I give express orders to the contrary and for your pretences to sixty yeares possession, 'tis

impossible for they and the Indians who wear pipes thro' their noses, traded with Albany long before

the French settled att Montreall, butt in case it weare as you alledge, which I have not the least

reason to believe, you could only have prohibited their trading in that place and let them goe to some other nation It is verry true I offered Jyou to leave the decision to our masters at home, in case of any difference,

and pray Sir lett me know in what I in the least have acted to the contrary you tell me I hindered the five nations on this side the lake, who have subjected themselues, their countrys, and conquests under the King of England to go to you at Cattaraque Itts very true I did so and thought itt very unjust in you to desire their comeing to you for the King of England did not send me here to suffer you, to give laws to his subjects of this Government you also alleage that I have given orders to those Indians to pillage and warr upon your people sure Sir, you forgot what you desired of me if you will please to reflect on one of your owne letters, in which you acquainted me, that many of your people run away into this Government, and desired that I would take and send back any should be found upon this side the lake without your passe, upon which I ordered those of Albany and also the Indians, to seize and secure all persons whatever, as well french as English, they should finde on ;

and pray Sir lett me know in what I in the least have acted to the contrary you tell me I hindered the five nations on this side the lake, who have subjected themselues, their countrys, and conquests under the King of England to go to you at Cattaraque Itts very true I did so and thought itt very unjust in you to desire their comeing to you for the King of England did not send me here to suffer you, to give laws to his subjects of this Government you also alleage that I have given orders to those Indians to pillage and warr upon your people sure Sir, you forgot what you desired of me if you will please to reflect on one of your owne letters, in which you acquainted me, that many of your people run away into this Government, and desired that I would take and send back any should be found upon this side the lake without your passe, upon which I ordered those of Albany and also the Indians, to seize and secure all persons whatever, as well french as English, they should finde on ;

:

--

-- --

this side of the lake without

your pass or mine

--truly

Sir, I ought severely to be rebukt for this, itt

having been the hindrance of many thousands of beavers comeing to Albany

:

further you blame me

for hindring the Sinakees deliuering up the Ottawawa prisoners to you, this I did with good reason for what pretence could you have to make

:

--

-- --

this side of the lake without

your pass or mine

--truly

Sir, I ought severely to be rebukt for this, itt

having been the hindrance of many thousands of beavers comeing to Albany

:

further you blame me

for hindring the Sinakees deliuering up the Ottawawa prisoners to you, this I did with good reason for what pretence could you have to make

ordered Major

your applications to them and not to me, neverthelesse I

M Gregory to carry them to the Ottawaways and if your claim be only to Missilic

maquina what cause had you to hinder Magregory to go to the Ottawawas What you alleage concerning my assisting the Sinnakees with arms, and amunition to warr against you, was neuer giuen by mee until the sixt of August last, when understanding of your unjust proceedings in invaeding the King, My Masters territorys, in a hostill manner, I then gave them powder lead and armes ;

and united the five nations together to defend that part of our King's dominions

from your injurious invasion.

And as for offering them men in, that you doe me wrong, our men

being all biusy then att their haruest, and I leave itt to your judgement whether there was any occasion when only foure hundred of them engaged with your whole army.--You tell me in case I assist

the Indyans you will esteme me an ennemy to your colony--Sir, give me leave to lett you know, you are a farr greater ennemy to your Colony than I am, itt haueing always been my endevour to keepe

And as for offering them men in, that you doe me wrong, our men

being all biusy then att their haruest, and I leave itt to your judgement whether there was any occasion when only foure hundred of them engaged with your whole army.--You tell me in case I assist

the Indyans you will esteme me an ennemy to your colony--Sir, give me leave to lett you know, you are a farr greater ennemy to your Colony than I am, itt haueing always been my endevour to keepe

those Indyans from warring with you, who in your protecting their enemys

that have killed and Robbed then in their hunting and otherwise, and that not once but several times have given them

great provocations, butt you have taken away to spill a great deale of Christian blood without the point you aim att, and for you

gaining

who have taken the King's subjects prisoners, in a time of peace

--

--

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.

and taken their goods from them without any just grounds for so doing, how can I expect but that you will use them as you threaten You say also in your letter, that the King of England has no I would willingly know if so, whose subjects they are right to the five nations on this side the lake. in your opinion, You tell me of your haueing had Missionaryes among them, itt is a very charitable act, but I suppose and am very well assured that giues no just right or title to the Government of the Country Father Bryare writes to a Gent there that the King of China never goes any where without two Jessuits with him I wonder why you make not the like pretence to that kingdome you also say you had many Missionaryes among them att my comeing to this Government, in that you have been missinformed for I never heard of any, butt the two Lamberuills who were at Onondages, and were protected by me from the Insolencys of the Indians, as they desired of me, and as by letters in which they gave me thanks appears, but when they understood your intentions they thought fit to goe without takeing leave butt their sending there was as I afterwards found for some other end than propagating the Christian Religion as was apparent by some letters of theirs directed ;

and taken their goods from them without any just grounds for so doing, how can I expect but that you will use them as you threaten You say also in your letter, that the King of England has no I would willingly know if so, whose subjects they are right to the five nations on this side the lake. in your opinion, You tell me of your haueing had Missionaryes among them, itt is a very charitable act, but I suppose and am very well assured that giues no just right or title to the Government of the Country Father Bryare writes to a Gent there that the King of China never goes any where without two Jessuits with him I wonder why you make not the like pretence to that kingdome you also say you had many Missionaryes among them att my comeing to this Government, in that you have been missinformed for I never heard of any, butt the two Lamberuills who were at Onondages, and were protected by me from the Insolencys of the Indians, as they desired of me, and as by letters in which they gave me thanks appears, but when they understood your intentions they thought fit to goe without takeing leave butt their sending there was as I afterwards found for some other end than propagating the Christian Religion as was apparent by some letters of theirs directed ;

--

:

:

:

:

my hands Now you have mist of your unjust pretentions--you are willing to refer all things to our Masters,

--

:

:

:

:

my hands Now you have mist of your unjust pretentions--you are willing to refer all things to our Masters,

to Canada, which happened to come to

I will endevor to protect his Majestys subjects here from

your unjust inuasions until I hear from the

King my Master who is the greatest and most glorious monarch that ever set on a Throne and would do as much'to propagate the Christain faith as any Prince that liues and is as tender of wronging the subjects of any Potentate whatever, as he is of suffering his owne to be injured Itt is^very true that I have eat a great deale of the bread of France and have in requittal complyed with my obligations in doing what I ought and would prefer the service of the French king before any, except

my owne, and have a great deal of respect for all the people of quality, of your me to aduise Mons r Denonuille to send home all the Christians and Indians

nation which engages

prisoners the King of England's subjects

you unjustly do deteine, this I thought

to

fitt

answer to

your reflecting and provoking letter. a true coppy.

GOV.

DONGAN TO THE LORD PRESIDENT. [Lond. Doc. V.]

New York Sept. 12. 1687.

My Lord --Since writing my other Letter some messages have come to my hands from Albany of their apprehensions of the French, which obliges

the Garrison

me to carry up thither two hundred men, besides

nation which engages

prisoners the King of England's subjects

you unjustly do deteine, this I thought

to

fitt

answer to

your reflecting and provoking letter. a true coppy.

GOV.

DONGAN TO THE LORD PRESIDENT. [Lond. Doc. V.]

New York Sept. 12. 1687.

My Lord --Since writing my other Letter some messages have come to my hands from Albany of their apprehensions of the French, which obliges

the Garrison

me to carry up thither two hundred men, besides

@ go and stay there this Winter, and to get together five or six hundred of the five @ Schonectade which will be a great charge but I see no remedy for it

nations about Albany

My Lord it is a great misfortune for this Governm* that there are so few of his Maty natural born

subjects, the greater part being Dutch, who if occasion were, I fear would not be very fitt for service I am sending to the further Indians to try if I can make a Peace between them @ the Sennekes and also to the Christian Indians about Canada who have a mind to come, I will do what is possible

for me to save the Government against the

French til I have further orders from your Lodp Judge Palmer has more papers to show your Lodp that came from Albany, by those he carries with him

your Lodp may perceive the grounds I have for my proceedings I am your Lodps most obed'

and Humble Serv1

Tho Dongan

subjects, the greater part being Dutch, who if occasion were, I fear would not be very fitt for service I am sending to the further Indians to try if I can make a Peace between them @ the Sennekes and also to the Christian Indians about Canada who have a mind to come, I will do what is possible

for me to save the Government against the

French til I have further orders from your Lodp Judge Palmer has more papers to show your Lodp that came from Albany, by those he carries with him

your Lodp may perceive the grounds I have for my proceedings I am your Lodps most obed'

and Humble Serv1

Tho Dongan

DENONVILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA.